1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299 300 301 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 309 310 311 312 313 314 315 316 317 318 319 320 321 322 323 324 325 326 327 328 329 330 331 332 333 334 335 336 337 338 339 340 341 342 343 344 345 346 347 348 349 350 351 352 353 354 355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362 363 364 365 366 367 368 369 370 371 372 373 374 375 376 377 378 379 380 381 382 383 384 385 386 387 388 389 390 391 392 393 394 395 396 397 398 399 400 401 402 403 404 405 406 407 408 409 410 411 412 413 414 415 416 417 418 419 420 421 422 423 424 425 426 427 428 429 430 431 432 433 434 435 436 437 438 439 440 441 442 443 444 445 446 447 448 449 450 451 452 453 454 455 456 457 458 459 460 461 462 463 464 465 466 467 468 469 470 471 472 473 474 475 476 477 478 479 480 481 482 483 484 485 486 487 488 489 490 491 492 493 494 495 496 497 498 499 500 501 502 503 504 505 506 507 508 509 510 511 512 513 514 515 516 517 518 519 520 521 522 523 524 525 526 527 528 529 530 531 532 533 534 535 536 537 538 539 540 541 542 543 544 545 546 547 548 549 550 551 552 553 554 555 556 557 558 559 560 561 562 563 564 565 566 567 568 569 570 571 572 573 574 575 576 577 578 579 580 581 582 583 584 585 586 587 588 589 590 591 592 593 594 595 596 597 598 599 600 601 602 603 604 605 606 607 608 609 610 611 612 613 614 615 616 617 618 619 620 621 622 623 624 625 626 627 628 629 630 631 632 633 634 635 636 637 638 639 640 641 642
|
<html>
<head>
<title>B.2 Why are anarchists against the state?</title>
</head>
<body>
<h2>B.2 Why are anarchists against the state?</h2>
<p>
As previously noted (see section <a href="secB1.html">B.1</a>), anarchists oppose all forms of
hierarchical authority. Historically, however, the they have spent most of
their time and energy opposing two main forms in particular. One is
capitalism, the other, the state. These two forms of authority have a
symbiotic relationship and cannot be easily separated. In this section, as
well as explaining why anarchists oppose the state, we will necessarily
have to analyse the relationship between it and capitalism.
<p>
So what is the state? As Malatesta put it, anarchists <i>"have used the word
State. . . to mean the sum total of the political, legislative, judiciary,
military and financial institutions through which the management of their
own affairs, the control over their personal behaviour, the responsibility
for their personal safety, are taken away from the people and entrusted
to others who, by usurption or delegation, are vested with the power to
make laws for everything and everybody, and to oblige the people to observe
them, if need be, by the use of collective force."</i>
<p>
The government (or the state) <i>"is made up of all governors. . . those who
have the power to make <b>laws</b> regulating inter-human relations and to see
that they are carried out. . . [and] who have the power. . . to make use of
the social power, that is of the physical, intellectual and economic power
of the whole community, in order to oblige everybody to carry out their
wishes."</i> [<b>Anarchy</b>, p. 13, pp. 15-16 -- see also Kropotkin's <b>The State:
Its Historic Role</b>, p. 10]
<p>
This means that many, if not most, anarchists would agree with Randolph
Bourne's characterisation of the state as the politico-military domination
of a certain geographical territory by a ruling elite (see his <i>"Unfinished
Fragment on the State,"</i> in <b>Untimely Papers</b>). On this subject Murray
Bookchin writes:
<p><blockquote>
<i>"[m]inimally, the State is a professional system of social coercion. . .
It is only when coercion is institutionalised into a professional,
systematic and organised form of social control - . . . with the backing
of a monopoly of violence - that we can properly speak of a State."</i>
[<b>Remaking Society</b>, p. 66]
</blockquote><p>
Therefore, we can say that, for anarchists, the state is marked by three
things:
<p><ol>
1) A "monopoly of violence" in a given territorial area;<br>
2) This violence having a "professional," institutional
nature; and<br>
3) A hierarchical nature, centralisation of power and
initiative into the hands of a few.
</ol><p>
Of these three aspects, the last one (its centralised, hierarchical
nature) is the most important simply because the concentration of
power into the hands of the few ensures a division of society into
government and governed (which necessitates the creation of a
professional body to enforce that division). Without such a
division, we would not need a monopoly of violence and so would
simply have an association of equals, unmarked by power and
hierarchy (such as exists in many stateless "primitive" tribes).
<p>
Some types of states, e.g. Communist and social-democratic ones, are
directly involved not only in politico-military domination but also in
economic domination via state ownership of the means of production;
whereas in liberal democratic capitalist states, such ownership is in the
hands of private individuals. In liberal democratic states, however, the
mechanisms of politico-military domination are controlled by and for a
corporate elite, and hence the large corporations are often considered to
belong to a wider "state-complex."
<p>
As the state is the delegation of power into the hands of the few, it
is obviously based on hierarchy. This delegation of power results in
the elected people becoming isolated from the mass of people who elected
them and outside of their control. In addition, as those elected are
given power over a host of different issues and told to decide upon
them, a bureaucracy soon develops around them to aid in their
decision-making. However, this bureaucracy, due to its control of
information and its permanency, soon has more power than the elected
officials. This means that those who serve the people's servant have
more power than those they serve, just as the politician has more power
than those who elected him. All forms of state-like (i.e. hierarchical)
organisations inevitably spawn a bureaucracy about them. This bureaucracy
soon becomes the de facto focal point of power in the structure,
regardless of the official rules.
<p>
This marginalisation and disempowerment of ordinary people (and so the
empowerment of a bureaucracy) is the key reason for anarchist opposition
to the state. Such an arrangement ensures that the individual is disempowered,
subject to bureaucratic, authoritarian rule which reduces the person to a
object or a number, <b>not</b> a unique individual with hopes, dreams, thoughts
and feelings. As Proudhon forcefully argued:
<p><blockquote>
<i>"To be GOVERNED is to be kept in sight, inspected, spied upon, directed,
law-driven, numbered, enrolled, indoctrinated, preached at, controlled,
estimated, valued, censured, commanded, by creatures who have neither the
right, nor the wisdom, nor the virtue to do so... To be GOVERNED is to
be at every operation, at every transaction, noted, registered, enrolled,
taxed, stamped, measured, numbered, assessed, licensed, authorised,
admonished, forbidden, reformed, corrected, punished. It is, under the
pretext of public utility, and in the name of the general interest, to be
placed under contribution, trained, ransomed, exploited, monopolised,
extorted, squeezed, mystified, robbed; then, at the slightest resistance, the
first word of complaint, to be repressed, fined, despised, harassed, tracked,
abused, clubbed, disarmed, choked, imprisoned, judged, condemned, shot,
deported, sacrificed, sold, betrayed; and, to crown it all, mocked,
ridiculed, outraged, dishonoured. That is government; that is its justice;
that is its morality."</i> [<b>General Idea of the Revolution</b>, p. 294]
</blockquote><p>
Anarchists see the state, with its vast scope and control of deadly force,
as the "ultimate" hierarchical structure, suffering from all the negative
characteristics associated with authority described in the <a href="secB1.html">last section</a>.
Because of its centralised, hierarchical, and bureaucratic nature, the
state becomes a great weight over society, restricting its growth and
development and making popular control impossible. As Bakunin puts it:
<p><blockquote>
<i>"the so-called general interests of society supposedly represented by the
State... [are] in reality... the general and permanent negation of the
positive interests of the regions, communes, and associations, and a
vast number of individuals subordinated to the State... [in which]
all the best aspirations, all the living forces of a country, are
sanctimoniously immolated and interred."</i> [<b>The Political
Philosophy of Bakunin</b>, p. 207]
</blockquote><p>
In the rest of this section we will discuss the state, its role, its impact
on a society's freedom and who benefits from its existence. Kropotkin's
classic essay, <b>The State: It's Historic Role</b> is recommended for further
reading on this subject.
<p>
<a name="secb21"><h2>B.2.1 What is main function of the state?</h2>
<p>
The main function of the state is to enable the ruling elite to exploit
lower social strata, i.e. derive an economic surplus from them. The state,
to use Malatesta's words, is basically <i>"the property owners' <b>gendarme</b>"</i>
[<b>Anarchy</b>, p. 19] (compare to the maxim of the Founding Fathers of
American "democracy" -- <i>"the people who own the country ought to govern
it"</i> (John Jay)). Those in the upper-middle levels of the social pyramid
also frequently use the state to obtain income without working, as from
investments, but the elite gain by far the most economic advantages, which
is why in the US, one percent of the population controls over 40 percent
of total wealth. It is therefore no exaggeration to say that the state is
the extractive apparatus of society's parasites.
<p>
The state ensures the exploitative privileges of its ruling elite by
protecting certain economic monopolies from which its members derive their
wealth (see section <a href="secB3.html#secb32">B.3.2</a>). This service is referred to as "protecting
private property" and is said to be one of the two main functions of the
state, the other being to ensure that individuals are "secure in their
persons." However, although this second aim is professed, in reality most
state laws and institutions are concerned with the protection of property
(for the anarchist definition of "property" see section <a href="secB3.html#secb31">B.3.1.</a>).
<p>
From this fact we may infer that references to the "security of persons,"
"crime prevention," etc. are mostly rationalisations of the state's
existence and smokescreens for its perpetuation of elite power and
privileges. Moreover, even though the state does take a secondary interest
in protecting the security of persons (particularly elite persons), the
vast majority of crimes against persons are motivated by poverty and
alienation due to state-supported exploitation and also by the
desensitisation to violence created by the state's own violent methods of
protecting private property.
<p>
Hence, anarchists maintain that without the state and the crime-engendering
conditions to which it gives rise, it would be possible for decentralised,
voluntary community associations to deal compassionately (not punitively)
with the few incorrigibly violent people who might remain (see section
<a href="secI5.html#seci58">I.5.8</a>).
<p>
It is clear that the state represents the essential coercive mechanisms by
which capitalism and the authority relations associated with private property
are sustained. As the economist Paul Sweezy expresses it:
<p><blockquote>
<i>"Property confers upon its owners freedom from labour and the disposal
over the labour of others, and this is the essence of all social domination
whatever form it may assume. It follows that the protection of property is
fundamentally the assurance of social domination to owners over non-owners.
And this in turn is precisely what is meant by class domination, which it
is the primary function of the state to uphold."</i> [<b>Theory of Capitalist
Development</b>, pp. 243-44]
</blockquote><p>
In other words, protecting private property and upholding class
domination are the same thing. Yet this primary function of the state is
disguised by the "democratic" facade of the representative electoral
system, through which it is made to appear that the people rule
themselves. Thus Bakunin writes that the modern state <i>"unites in itself
the two conditions necessary for the prosperity of the capitalistic
economy: State centralisation and the actual subjection of. . . the
people. . . to the minority allegedly representing it but actually
governing it."</i> [<b>Op. Cit.</b>, p. 210]
<p>
The historian Charles Beard makes a similar point: <i>"Inasmuch as the
primary object of a government, beyond mere repression of physical
violence, is the making of the rules which determine the property
relations of members of society, the dominant classes whose rights are
thus to be protected must perforce obtain from the government such rules
as are consonant with the larger interests necessary to the continuance of
their economic processes, or they must themselves control the organs of
government"</i> [<b>An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution</b>, quoted
by Howard Zinn, <b>Op. Cit.</b>, p. 89].
<p>
This role of the state -- to protect capitalism and the property,
power and authority of the property owner -- was also noticed by
Adam Smith:
<p><blockquote><i>
"[T]he inequality of fortune . . . introduces among men a degree
of authority and subordination which could not possibly exist
before. It thereby introduces some degree of that civil government
which is indispensably necessary for its own preservation . . .
[and] to maintain and secure that authority and subordination. The
rich, in particular, are necessarily interested to support that order
of things which can alone secure them in the possession of their own
advantages. Men of inferior wealth combine to defend those of superior
wealth in the possession of their property, in order that men of
superior wealth may combine to defend them in the possession of
theirs . . . [T]he maintenance of their lesser authority depends
upon that of his greater authority, and that upon their subordination
to him depends his power of keeping their inferiors in subordination
to them. They constitute a sort of little nobility, who feel themselves
interested to defend the property and to support the authority of
their own little sovereign in order that he may be able to defend
their property and to support their authority. Civil government, so
far as it is instituted for the security of property, is in reality
instituted for the defence of the rich against the poor, or of those
who have some property against those who have none at all." </i> [Adam Smith, <b>The Wealth of Nations</b>, book 5]
</blockquote><p>
In a nutshell, the state is the means by which the ruling class rules.
<p>
<a name="secb22"><h2>B.2.2 Does the state have subsidiary functions?</h2>
<p>
Besides its primary function of protecting private property, the state
operates in other ways as an economic instrument of the ruling class.
First, the state intervenes in the modern economy to solve problems that
arise in the course of capitalist development. These interventions have
taken different forms in different times and include state funding for
industry (e.g. military spending); the creation of social infrastructure
too expensive for private capital to provide (railways, motorways);
tariffs to protect developing industries from more efficient international
competition (the key to successful industrialisation as it allows capitalists
to rip-off consumers, making them rich and increasing funds available for
investment); imperialist ventures to create colonies (or protect citizen's
capital invested abroad) in order to create markets or get access to raw
materials and cheap labour; government spending to stimulate consumer demand
in the face of underconsumption and stagnation; maintaining a "natural" level
of unemployment that can be used to discipline the working class, so ensuring
they produce more, for less; manipulating the money supply in order to reduce
the effects of the business cycle and undermine workers' gains in the class
struggle.
<p>
Second, because of the inordinate political power deriving from wealth
(see <a href="secB2.html#secb23">next section</a>), capitalists use the state directly to benefit their
class, as from subsidies, tax breaks, government contracts, protective
tariffs, bailouts of corporations judged by state bureaucrats as too
important to let fail, and so on. And third, the state may be used to
grant concessions to the working class in cases where not doing so
would threaten the integrity of the system as a whole.
<p>
The example of state legislation to set the length of the working day is
an example of both the first and third functions enumerated above. In the
early period of capitalist development, a shortage of labour power led to
the state's ignoring the lengthening working day, thus allowing capitalists
to appropriate more surplus value from workers and increase the rate of
profit without interference. Later, however, after workers began to organise,
reducing the length of the working day became a key demand around which
revolutionary socialist fervour was developing. Hence, in order to defuse
this threat (and socialist revolution is the worst-case scenario for the
capitalist), the state passed legislation to reduce the length of the
working day (which, once workers' struggle calmed down, were happily ignored
and became "dead laws"). Initially, the state was functioning purely as
the protector of the capitalist class, using its powers to solve problems
that arise in the course of capitalist development (namely repressing the
labour movement to allow the capitalists to do as they liked). In the second
it was granting concessions to the working class to eliminate a threat to
the integrity of the system as a whole.
<p>
It should be noted that none of these three subsidiary functions implies
that capitalism can be changed through a series of piecemeal reforms into
a benevolent system that primarily serves working class interests. To the
contrary, as Sweezy rightly notes, these functions <i>"grow out of and
supplement the basic principle that the state exists in the first instance
for the protection of capitalist property relations,"</i> which are the
foundation of the ruling class's ability to exploit. Therefore, <i>"reforms may
modify the functioning of capitalism but never threaten its foundation."</i>
[<b>Op. Cit.</b>, p. 249] Ultimately, what the state concedes, it can also
take back (as was the case of the laws limiting the working day).
<p>
In other words, the state acts to protect the long-term interests of the
capitalist class <b>as a whole</b> (and ensure its own survival) by protecting
the system. This role can and does clash with the interests of particular
capitalists or even whole sections of the ruling class. But this conflict
does not change the role of the state as the property owners' policeman.
Indeed, the state can be considered as a means for settling (in a peaceful
and apparently independent manner) upper-class disputes over what to do to
keep the system going.
<p>
<a name="secb23"><h2>B.2.3 How does the ruling class maintain control of the state? </h2>
<p>
For simplicity, let's just consider the capitalist state, whose main
purpose is to protect the exploitative monopolies described below.
Because their economic monopolies are protected by the state, the elites
whose incomes are derived from them -- namely, finance capitalists,
industrial capitalists, and landlords -- are able to accumulate vast
wealth from those whom they exploit. This stratifies society into a
hierarchy of economic classes, with a huge disparity of wealth between the
small property-owning elite at the top and the non-property-owning
majority at the bottom.
<p>
Then, because it takes enormous wealth to win elections and lobby or bribe
legislators, the propertied elite are able to control the political
process -- and hence the state -- through the "power of the purse." For
example, it costs well over $20 million to run for President of the USA.
In other words, elite control of politics through huge wealth disparities
insures the continuation of such disparities and thus the continuation of
elite control. In this way the crucial political decisions of those at
the top are insulated from significant influence by those at the bottom.
<p>
Moreover, the ability of capital to disinvest (capital flight) and
otherwise adversely impact the economy is a powerful weapon to keep the
state as its servant. As Noam Chomsky notes:
<p><blockquote>
<i>"In capitalist democracy, the interests that must be satisfied are those of
capitalists; otherwise, there is no investment, no production, no work, no
resources to be devoted, however marginally, to the needs of the general
population"</i> [<b>Turning the Tide</b>, p. 233]
</blockquote><p>
Hence, even allegedly "democratic" capitalist states are in effect
dictatorships of the propertariat. Errico Malatesta put it this way:
<p><blockquote>
<i>"Even with universal suffrage - we could well say even more so with universal
suffrage - the government remained the bourgeoisie's servant and <b>gendarme.</b>
For were it to be otherwise with the government hinting that it might
take up a hostile attitude, or that democracy could ever be anything but
a pretence to deceive the people, the bourgeoisie, feeling its interests
threatened, would by quick to react, and would use all the influence and
force at its disposal, by reason of its wealth, to recall the government
to its proper place as the bourgeoisie's <b>gendarme.</b>"</i> [<b>Anarchy</b>, p. 20]
</blockquote><p>
The existence of a state bureaucracy is a key feature in ensuring that the
state remains the ruling class's "policeman" and will be discussed in
greater detail in section B.2.5 - <a href="secB2.html#secb25">How does state centralisation affect
freedom?</a> As far as economic forces go, we see their power implied when
the news report that changes in government, policies and law have been
"welcomed by the markets." As the richest 1% of households in America
(about 2 million adults) owned 35% of the stock owned by individuals in
1992 - with the top 10% owning over 81% - we can see that the "opinion"
of the markets actually means the power of the richest 1-5% of a
countries population (and their finance experts), power derived from
their control over investment and production. Given that the bottom 90%
of the US population has a smaller share (23%) of all kinds of investable
capital that the richest 1/2% (who own 29%), with stock ownership being
even more concentrated (the top 5% holding 95% of all shares), its obvious
why Doug Henwood (author of <b>Wall Street</b>) argues that stock markets
are <i>"a way for the very rich as a class to own an economy's productive
capital stock as a whole"</i> and are a source of <i>"political power"</i> and a way
to have influence over government policy. [<b>Wall Street: Class Racket</b>]
<p>
Of course, this does not mean that the state and the capitalist class
always see "eye to eye." Top politicians, for example, are part of the
ruling elite, but they are in competition with other parts of it. In
addition, different sectors of the capitalist class are competing against
each other for profits, political influence, privileges, etc. As such, the
state is often in conflict with sections of the capitalist class, just
as sections of that class use the state to advance their own interests
within the general framework of protecting the capitalist system (i.e.
the interests of the ruling class <b>as a class</b>). Such conflicts sometimes
give the impression of the state being a "neutral" body, but this is an
illusion -- it exists to defend class power and privilege, and to resolve
disputes within that class peacefully via the "democratic" process (within
which we get the chance of picking the representatives of the elite who
will oppress us least).
<p>
Nevertheless, without the tax money from successful businesses, the state
would be weakened. Hence the role of the state is to ensure the best
conditions for capital <b>as a whole,</b> which means that, when necessary,
it can and does work against the interests of certain parts of the
capitalist class. This is what can give the state the appearance of
independence and can fool people into thinking that it represents the
interests of society as a whole. (For more on the ruling elite and its
relation to the state, see C. Wright Mills, <b>The Power Elite</b> [Oxford,
1956]; cf. Ralph Miliband, <b>The State in Capitalist Society</b> [Basic Books,
1969] and <b>Divided Societies</b> [Oxford, 1989]; G. William Domhoff, <b>Who
Rules America?</b> [Prentice Hall, 1967]; <b>Who Rules America Now? A View
for the '80s</b> [Touchstone, 1983] and <b>Toxic Sludge is Good For You! Lies, Damn
Lies and the Public Relations Industry</b> by John Stauber and Sheldon Rampton
[Common Courage Press, 1995]).
<p>
<a name="secb24"><h2>B.2.4 How does state centralisation affect freedom?</h2>
<p>
It's a common but false idea that voting every four or so years to elect
the public face of a highly centralised and bureaucratic machine means
that ordinary people control the state. Obviously, to say that this idea
is false does not imply that there is no difference between a liberal
republic and a fascistic or monarchical state. Far from it.
<p>
The vote is an important victory wrested from the powers that be. It is one
small step on the road to libertarian socialism. Nevertheless, all forms of
hierarchy, even those in which the top officers are elected are marked by
authoritarianism and centralism. Power is concentrated in the centre (or
at the "top"), which means that society becomes <i>"a heap of dust animated
from without by a subordinating, centralist idea."</i> [P.J. Proudhon, quoted
by Martin Buber, <b>Paths in Utopia</b>, p. 29] For, once elected, top officers
can do as they please, and in all political bureaucracies, many important
decisions are made by non-elected staff.
<p>
Centralism makes democracy meaningless, as political decision-making is
given over to professional politicians in remote capitals. Lacking local
autonomy, people are isolated from each other (atomised) by having no
political forum where they can come together to discuss, debate, and
decide among themselves the issues they consider important. Elections
are not based on natural, decentralised groupings and thus cease to be
relevant. The individual is just another "voter" in the mass, a political
"constituent" and nothing more. The amorphous basis of modern, statist
elections <i>"aims at nothing less than to abolish political life in towns,
communes and departments, and through this destruction of all municipal
and regional autonomy to arrest the development of universal suffrage"</i>
[<b>Op. Cit.</b>]. Thus people are disempowered by the very structures that
claim to allow them to express themselves.
<p>
As intended, isolated people are no threat to the powers that be. This
process of marginalisation can be seen from American history, for example,
when town meetings were replaced by elected bodies, with the citizens
being placed in passive, spectator roles as mere "voters" (see section B.5
<a href="secB5.html">"Is capitalism empowering and based on human action?"</a>). Being an atomised
voter is hardly an ideal notion of "freedom," despite the rhetoric of
politicians about the virtues of a "free society" and "The Free World" --
as if voting once every four or five years could ever be classed as
"liberty" or even "democracy."
<p>
In this way, social concern and power are taken away from ordinary
citizens and centralised in the hands of the few. Marginalisation of the
people is the key control mechanism in the state and authoritarian
organisations in general. Considering the European Community (EC), for
example, we find that the <i>"mechanism for decision-making between EC states
leaves power in the hands of officials (from Interior ministries, police,
immigration, customs and security services) through a myriad of working
groups. Senior officials. . . play a critical role in ensuring agreements
between the different state officials. The EC Summit meetings, comprising
the 12 Prime Ministers, simply rubber-stamp the conclusions agreed by the
Interior and Justice Ministers. It is only then, in this intergovernmental
process, that parliaments and people are informed (and them only with the
barest details)."</i> [Tony Bunyon, <b>Statewatching the New Europe</b>, p. 39]
<p>
As well as economic pressures from elites, governments also face pressures
within the state itself due to the bureaucracy that comes with centralism.
There is a difference between the state and government. The state is the
permanent collection of institutions that have entrenched power structures
and interests. The government is made up of various politicians. It's the
institutions that have power in the state due to their permanence, not the
representatives who come and go. As Clive Ponting (an ex-civil servant
himself) indicates, <i>"the function of a political system in any country...
is to regulate, but not to alter radically, the existing economic structure
and its linked power relationships. The great illusion of politics is that
politicians have the ability to make whatever changes they like..."</i>
[quoted in <b>Alternatives</b>, no.5, p. 19].
<p>
Therefore, as well as marginalising the people, the state also ends up
marginalising "our" representatives. As power rests not in the elected
bodies, but in a bureaucracy, popular control becomes increasingly
meaningless. As Bakunin pointed out, <i>"liberty can be valid only
when...[popular] control [of the state] is valid. On the contrary, where
such control is fictitious, this freedom of the people likewise becomes a
mere fiction"</i> [<b>The Political Philosophy of Bakunin</b>, p. 212].
<p>
This means that state centralism can become a serious source of danger to
the liberty and well-being of most of the people under it. However, <b>some</b>
people do benefit from state centralisation, namely those with power who
desire to be "left alone" to use it: that is, the two sections of the
ruling elite, bureaucrats of capital and state (as will be discussed
further in the <a href="secB2.html#secb25">next section</a>).
<p>
<a name="secb25"><h2>B.2.5 Who benefits from centralisation?</h2>
<p>
No social system would exist unless it benefited someone or some group.
Centralisation, be it in the state or the company, is no different. In
all cases, centralisation directly benefits those at the top, because it
shelters them from those who are below, allowing the latter to be
controlled and governed more effectively. Therefore, it is in the direct
interests of bureaucrats and politicians to support centralism.
<p>
Under capitalism, however, various sections of the business class also
support state centralism. This is the symbiotic relationship between
capital and the state. As will be discussed later, (F.8) the state played
an important role in "nationalising" the market, i.e. forcing the "free
market" onto society. By centralising power in the hands of
representatives and so creating a state bureaucracy, ordinary people were
disempowered and thus became less likely to interfere with the interests
of the wealthy. <i>"In a republic,"</i> writes Bakunin, <i>"the so-called people,
the legal people, allegedly represented by the State, stifle and will keep
on stifling the actual and living people"</i> by <i>"the bureaucratic world"</i> for
<i>"the greater benefit of the privileged propertied classes as well as for
its own benefit"</i> [<b>Op. Cit.</b>, p. 211].
<p>
Examples of increased political centralisation being promoted by
wealthy business interests by can be seen throughout the history of
capitalism. <i>"In revolutionary America, 'the nature of city government
came in for heated discussion,' observes Merril Jensen. . .Town meetings.
. .'had been a focal point of revolutionary activity'. The anti-democratic
reaction that set in after the American revolution was marked by efforts
to do away with town meeting government. . . . Attempts by conservative
elements were made to establish a 'corporate form (of municipal
government) whereby the towns would be governed by mayors and councils'
elected from urban wards. . . .[T]he merchants 'backed incorporation
consistently in their efforts to escape town meetings.' . . ."</i> [Murray
Bookchin, <b>Towards an Ecological Society</b>, p. 182].
<p>
Here we see local policy making being taken out of the hands of the many
and centralised in the hands of the few, always the wealthy France provides
another example: <i>"The Government found. . .the folkmotes [of all households]
'too noisy', too disobedient, and in 1787, elected councils, composed of a
mayor and three to six syndics, chosen among the wealthier peasants, were
introduced instead"</i> [Peter Kropotkin, <b>Mutual Aid</b>, pp. 185-186].
<p>
On the federal and state levels in the US after the Revolution,
centralisation of power was encouraged, since <i>"most of the makers of the
Constitution had some direct economic interest in establishing a strong
federal government. . .there was. . .a positive need for strong central
government to protect the large economic interests."</i> [Howard Zinn, <b>A
People's History of the United States</b>, p. 90] In particular, state
centralisation was essential to mould US society into one dominated by
capitalism -- <i>"[i]n the thirty years leading up to the Civil War, the law
was increasingly interpreted in the courts to suit capitalist development.
Studying this, Morton Horwitz (<b>The Transformation of American Law</b>)
points out that the English common-law was no longer holy when it stood in
the way of business growth. . . Judgements for damages against businessmen
were taken out of the hands of juries, which were unpredictable, and given
to judges. . . The ancient idea of a fair price for goods gave way in the
courts to the idea of caveat emptor (let the buyer beware). . . contract
law was intended to discriminate against working people and for business. . .
The pretence of the law was that a worker and a railroad made a contract
with equal bargaining power. . . 'The circle was completed; the law had
come simply to ratify those forms of inequality that the market system
had produced.'"</i> [<b>Op. Cit.</b>, p. 234]
<p>
The US state was created on elitist liberal doctrine and actively aimed
to reduce democratic tendencies (in the name of "individual liberty").
What happened in practice (unsurprisingly enough) was that the wealthy
elite used the state to undermine popular culture and common right in
favour of protecting and extending their own interests and power. In
the process, US society was reformed in their own image:
<p><blockquote>
<i>"By the middle of the nineteenth century the legal system had been
reshaped to the advantage of men of commerce and industry at the
expense of farmers, workers, consumers, and other less powerful groups
in society. . . it actively promoted a legal distribution of wealth
against the weakest groups in society."</i> [Horwitz, quoted by Zinn,
<b>Op. Cit.</b>, p. 235]
</blockquote><p>
In more modern times, state centralisation and expansion has gone hand in
glove with rapid industrialisation and the growth of business. As Edward
Herman points out, <i>"[t]o a great extent, it was the growth in business
size and power that elicited the countervailing emergence of unions and the
growth of government. Bigness <b>beyond</b> business was to a large extent
a response to bigness <b>in</b> business."</i> [<b>Corporate Control, Corporate
Power</b>, p. 188 -- see also, Stephen Skowronek, <b>Building A New American
State: The Expansion of National Administrative Capacities, 1877-1920</b>]
State centralisation was required to produce bigger, well-defined markets
and was supported by business when it acted in their interests (i.e. as
markets expanded, so did the state in order to standardise and enforce
property laws and so on). On the other hand, this development towards
"big government" created an environment in which big business could grow
(often encouraged by the state by subsidies and protectionism - as would be
expected when the state is run by the wealthy) as well as further removing
state power from influence by the masses and placing it more firmly in
the hands of the wealthy. It is little wonder we see such developments,
for <i>"[s]tructures of governance tend to coalesce around domestic power,
in the last few centuries, economic power."</i> [Noam Chomsky,
<b>World Orders, Old and New</b>, p. 178]
<p>
State centralisation makes it easier for business to control government,
ensuring that it remains their puppet and to influence the political
process. For example, the European Round Table (ERT) <i>"an elite lobby group
of. . .chairmen or chief executives of large multi-nationals based mainly
in the EU... [with] 11 of the 20 largest European companies [with]
combined sales [in 1991]. . .exceeding $500 billion, . . .approximately
60 per cent of EU industrial production,"</i> makes much use of the EU. As
two researchers who have studied this body note, the ERT <i>"is adept at
lobbying. . .so that many ERT proposals and 'visions' are mysteriously
regurgitated in Commission summit documents."</i> The ERT
<i>"claims that the labour market should be more 'flexible,' arguing for more
flexible hours, seasonal contracts, job sharing and part time work. In
December 1993, seven years after the ERT made its suggestions [and after
most states had agreed to the Maastricht Treaty and its "social
chapter"], the European Commission published a white paper. . .
[proposing] making labour markets in Europe more flexible."</i> [Doherty and
Hoedeman, <i>"Knights of the Road,"</i> <b>New Statesman</b>, 4/11/94, p. 27]
<p>
The current talk of globalisation, NAFTA, and the Single European Market
indicates an underlying transformation in which state growth follows the
path cut by economic growth. Simply put, with the growth of transnational
corporations and global finance markets, the bounds of the nation-state
have been made economically redundant. As companies have expanded into
multi-nationals, so the pressure has mounted for states to follow suit and
rationalise their markets across "nations" by creating multi-state
agreements and unions.
<p>
As Noam Chomsky notes, G7, the IMF, the World Bank and so forth are a <i>"de
facto world government,"</i> and <i>"the institutions of the transnational state
largely serve other masters [than the people], as state power typically
does; in this case the rising transnational corporations in the domains of
finance and other services, manufacturing, media and communications"</i> [Op.
Cit., p. 179].
<p>
As multi-nationals grow and develop, breaking through national boundaries,
a corresponding growth in statism is required. Moreover, a <i>"particularly
valuable feature of the rising de facto governing institutions is their
immunity from popular influence, even awareness. They operate in secret,
creating a world subordinated to the needs of investors, with the public
'put in its place', the threat of democracy reduced"</i> [Chomsky, <b>Op. Cit.</b>,
p. 178].
<p>
This does not mean that capitalists desire state centralisation for
everything. Often, particularly for social issues, relative
decentralisation is often preferred (i.e. power is given to local
bureaucrats) in order to increase business control over them. By devolving
control to local areas, the power which large corporations, investment
firms and the like have over the local government increases proportionally.
In addition, even middle-sized enterprise can join in and influence,
constrain or directly control local policies and set one workforce against
another. Private power can ensure that "freedom" is safe, <b>their</b> freedom.
<p>
No matter which set of bureaucrats are selected, the need to centralise
social power, thus marginalising the population, is of prime
importance to the business class. It is also important to remember that
capitalist opposition to "big government" is often financial, as the state
feeds off the available social surplus, so reducing the amount left for
the market to distribute to the various capitals in competition.
<p>
In reality, what capitalists object to about "big government" is its spending
on social programs designed to benefit the poor and working class, an
"illegitimate" function which "wastes" part of the surplus that might go
to capital (and also makes people less desperate and so less willing to
work cheaply). Hence the constant push to reduce the state to its
"classical" role as protector of private property and the system, and little
else. Other than their specious quarrel with the welfare state, capitalists
are the staunchest supports of government (and the "correct" form of state
intervention, such as defence spending), as evidenced by the fact that funds
can always be found to build more prisons and send troops abroad to advance
ruling-class interests, even as politicians are crying that there is "no
money" in the treasury for scholarships, national health care, or welfare
for the poor.
<p>
</body>
</html>
|