File: sectionI.txt

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anarchism 9.5-1
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  • area: main
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Section I - What would an anarchist society look like? 

I.1	Isn't libertarian socialism an oxymoron? 
	I.1.1	Didn't Ludwig von Mises' "calculation argument" prove that 
	 	socialism can not work?
	I.1.2	Does Mises' argument mean libertarian communism is impossible? 
	I.1.3	What is wrong with markets anyway? 
	I.1.4	If capitalism is exploitative, then isn't socialism as well?

I.2	Is this a blueprint for an anarchist society?
	I.2.1	Why discuss what an anarchist society would be like at all? 
	I.2.2	Will it be possible to go straight to an anarchist society 
	 	from capitalism?
	I.2.3 How is the framework of an anarchist society created?

I.3	What could the economic structure of an anarchist society look like?
	I.3.1	What is a "syndicate"?
	I.3.2	What is workers' self-management?
	I.3.3	What role do collectives play in the "economy"? 
	I.3.4	What relations exist between individual syndicates?
	I.3.5	What would confederations of syndicates do? 
	I.3.6 What about competition between syndicates? 
	I.3.7	What about people who do not want to join a syndicate?
	I.3.8 Do anarchists seek "small autonomous communities, 
		devoted to small scale production"?

I.4	How would an anarchist economy function?
	I.4.1	What is the point of economic activity in anarchy? 
	I.4.2	Why do anarchists desire to abolish work? 
	I.4.3	How do anarchists intend to abolish work? 
	I.4.4 What economic decision making criteria could be 
		used in anarchy? 
	I.4.5	What about "supply and demand"?
	I.4.6 Surely communist-anarchism would just lead to demand 
		exceeding supply?
	I.4.7 What will stop producers ignoring consumers?
	I.4.8	What about investment decisions? 
	I.4.9	Should technological advance be seen as anti-anarchistic?  
	I.4.10 What would be the advantage of a wide basis of surplus 
	 	 distribution? 
	I.4.11 If libertarian socialism eliminates the profit motive, 
		 won't creativity suffer? 
	I.4.12 Won't there be a tendency for capitalist enterprise to 
	 	 reappear in any socialist society?
	I.4.13 Who will do the dirty or unpleasant work? 
	I.4.14 What about the person who will not work? 
	I.4.15 What will the workplace of tomorrow look like? 
	I.4.16 Won't a libertarian communist society be inefficient?

I.5	What would the social structure of anarchy look like? 
	I.5.1	What are participatory communities?  
	I.5.2	Why are confederations of participatory communities needed? 
	I.5.3	What will be the scales and levels of confederation? 
	I.5.4	How will anything ever be decided by all these meetings?
	I.5.5	Are participatory communities and confederations not just 
	 	new states?
	I.5.6	Won't there be a danger of a "tyranny of the majority" under 
		libertarian socialism? 
	I.5.7	What if I don't want to join a commune? 
	I.5.8	What about crime?
	I.5.9 What about Freedom of Speech under Anarchism?
	I.5.10 What about Political Parties?
	I.5.11 What about interest groups and other associations?
	I.5.12 Would an anarchist society provide health care and other 
	 	 public services?
	I.5.13 Won't an anarchist society be vulnerable to the 
		 power hungry?
	I.5.14 How could an anarchist society defend itself?

I.6	What about the "Tragedy of the Commons" and all that? Surely communal
	ownership will lead to overuse and environmental destruction? 
	I.6.1	But anarchists cannot explain how the use of property 'owned by 
	 	everyone in the world' will be decided?  
	I.6.2 Doesn't any form of communal ownership involve restricting 
	      individual liberty?

I.7	Won't Libertarian Socialism destroy individuality?
	I.7.1 Do tribal cultures indicate that communalism defends 
	      individuality?
	I.7.2 Is this not worshipping the past or the "noble savage"?
	I.7.3 Is the law required to protect individual rights?
	I.7.4 Does capitalism protect individuality?

I.8	Does revolutionary Spain show that libertarian socialism can work in 
 	practice? 
	I.8.1	Wasn't the Spanish Revolution primarily a rural phenomenon and 
	 	therefore inapplicable as a model for modern industrialised 	
		societies? 
	I.8.2	How were the anarchists able to obtain mass popular support in 
	 	Spain? 
	I.8.3 How were Spanish industrial collectives organised? 
	I.8.4 How were the Spanish industrial collectives co-ordinated? 
	I.8.5	How were the Spanish agricultural co-operatives organised and 
	 	co-ordinated? 
	I.8.6	What did the agricultural collectives accomplish?  
	I.8.7 I've heard that the rural collectives were created by force. 
		Is this true?
	I.8.8 But did the Spanish collectives innovate?
	I.8.9	Why, if it was so good, did it not survive? 
	I.8.10 Why did the C.N.T. collaborate with the state?
	I.8.11 Was the decision to collaborate a product of anarchist
       	 theory, so showing anarchism is flawed?
	I.8.12 Was the decision to collaborate imposed on the CNT's
             membership?
	I.8.13 What political lessons were learned from the revolution?
	I.8.14 What economic lessons were learned from the revolution?

Section I - What would an anarchist society look like? 

So far this FAQ has been largely critical, focusing on hierarchy, 
capitalism, the state and so on, and the problems to which they have 
led, as well as refuting some bogus "solutions" that have been offered 
by authoritarians of both the right and the left. It is now time to 
examine the constructive side of anarchism -- the libertarian-socialist 
society that anarchists envision. This is important because anarchism 
is essentially a *constructive* theory, in stark contradiction to the 
picture of usually painted of anarchism as chaos or mindless destruction. 

Therefore, in this section of the FAQ we will give a short outline of what
an anarchist society might look like. Such a society has basic features --
such as being non-hierarchical, decentralised and, above all else, 
spontaneous like life itself. To quote Glenn Albrecht, anarchists "lay 
great stress on the free unfolding of a spontaneous order without the
use of external force or authority." ["Ethics, Anarchy and Sustainable
Development", _Anarchist Studies_, vol.2, no.2, p. 110] This type of 
development implies that anarchist society would be organised from the
simple to the complex, from the individual upwards to the community, the
bio-region and, ultimately, the planet. The resulting complex and diverse
order, which would be the outcome of nature freely unfolding toward
greater diversity and complexity, is ethically preferable to any other
sort of order simply because it allows for the highest degree of organic
solidarity and freedom. Kropotkin described this vision of a truly free
society as follows:

"We foresee millions and millions of groups freely constituting themselves 
for the satisfaction of all the varied needs of human beings. . . All 
these will be composed of human beings who will combine freely. . . 
'Take pebbles,' said Fourier, 'put them in a box and shake them, and 
they will arrange themselves in a mosaic that you could never get by 
instructing to anyone the work of arranging them harmoniously.'" 
[_The Place of Anarchism in Socialistic Evolution_, pp. 11-12] 

Anarchist opposition to hierarchy is an essential part of a 
"spontaneously ordered" society, for authority stops the free
development and growth of the individual. From this natural growth
of individuals, groups and society as a whole anarchists expect a 
society which meets the needs of all (both for material goods and
individual and social freedom). In Proudhon's words, "liberty is the 
mother of order, not its daughter." Any attempt to force society
or individuals into a pre-determined structure which restricts their
liberty will produce dis-order as natural balances and development
is hindered and distorted in anti-social and destructive directions.
Thus an anarchist society must be a free society of free individuals,
associating within libertarian structures, rather than a series of
competing hierarchies (be they political or economical). Only in
freedom can society and individuals develop and create a just and
fair society. 

As the individual does not exist in a social vacuum, appropriate social
conditions are required for individual freedom (and so subjectivity, or
thought) to develop and blossom according to its full potential. The
theory of anarchism is built around the central assertion that individuals
and their organisations *cannot* be considered in isolation from each
other. As Carole Pateman points out, there is "the argument that there is
an interrelationship between the authority structures of institutions and
the psychological qualities and attitudes of individuals, and . . . the
related argument that the major function of participation is an educative
one." [_Participation and Democratic Theory_, p. 27] Anarchism presents
these arguments in their most coherent and libertarian form. In other words,
freedom is only sustained and protected by activity under conditions of
freedom, namely self-government. Freedom is the only precondition for
acquiring the maturity required for continued freedom.

As individual freedom can only be created, developed and defended 
by self-government and free association, a system which encourages 
individuality must be decentralised and participatory in order for 
people to develop a psychology that allows them to accept the 
responsibilities of self-management. Living under capitalism or 
any other authoritarian system produces a servile character, as 
the individual is constantly placed under hierarchical authority, 
which blunts their critical and self-governing abilities by lack 
of use. Such a situation cannot promote freedom. Looking at 
capitalism, we find that under wage labour, people sell their 
creative energy and control over their activity for a given 
period. The boss does not just take surplus value from the 
time employees sell, but the time itself -- their ability to make 
their own decisions, express themselves through work and with their 
fellow workers. Wage labour equals wage slavery. You sell your time 
and skills (i.e. liberty) everyday at work to someone else. You 
will never be able to buy that time back for yourself. Once it is 
gone; it is gone for good. This is why anarchists see the need to 
"create the situation where each person may live by working freely, 
without being forced to sell his [or her] work and his [or her] 
liberty to others who accumulate wealth by the labour of their 
serfs." [Kropotkin, _Words of a Rebel_, p. 208]

Anarchism is about changing society and abolishing all forms 
of authoritarian social relationship, putting life before the 
soul-destroying "efficiency" needed to survive under capitalism; 
for the anarchist "takes his stand on his positive right to life 
and all its pleasures, both intellectual, moral and physical. He 
loves life, and intends to enjoy it to the full." [Michael Bakunin, 
quoted by Brian Morris, _Bakunin: The Philosophy of Freedom_, p. 118] 

Anarchists think that the essential social values are human values, and
that society is a complex of associations held together by the wills of
their members, whose well-being is its purpose. They consider that it is
not enough that the forms of association should have the passive or
"implied" consent of their members, but that the society and the
individuals who make it up will be healthy only if it is in the full 
sense libertarian, i.e. self-governing, self-managed, and egalitarian.
This implies not only that all the members should have a "right" to
influence its policy if they so desire, but that the greatest possible
opportunity should be afforded for every person to exercise this right.
Anarchism involves an active, not merely passive, citizenship on the part
of society's members and holds that this principle is not only applied to
some "special" sphere of social action called "politics" but to any and
every form of social action, including economic activity.

So, as will be seen, the key concept underlying both the social/political 
and the economic structure of libertarian socialism is "self-management," 
a term that implies not only workers control of their workplaces 
but also citizens' control of their communities (where it becomes
"self-government"), through direct democracy and voluntary federation. 
Thus self-management is the positive implication of anarchism's 
"negative" principle of opposition to hierarchical authority. For through 
self-management, hierarchical authority is dissolved as self-managing
workplace and community assemblies/councils are decentralised, "horizontal"
organisations in which each participant has an equal voice in the
decisions that affect his or her life, instead of merely following orders
and being governed by others. Self-management, therefore, is the essential
condition for a world in which individuals will be free to follow their 
own dreams, in their own ways, co-operating together as equals without 
interference from any form of authoritarian power (such as government 
or boss).

Perhaps needless to say, this section is intended as a heuristic 
device *only*, as a way of helping readers envision how anarchist 
principles might be embodied in practice. They are not (nor are 
they intended to be, nor are they desired to be) a definitive 
statement of how they *must* be embodied. The idea that a few 
people could determine exactly what a free society would look 
like is contrary to the anarchist principles of free growth 
and thought, and is far from our intention. Here we simply try 
to indicate some of the structures that an anarchist society may 
contain, based on the what ideals and ideas anarchists hold and 
the few examples of anarchy in action that have existed and our 
critical evaluation of their limitations and successes. 

Of course, an anarchist society will not be created overnight 
nor without links to the past, and so it will initially include 
structures created in social struggle (i.e. created *within* 
but *against* capitalism and the state -- see section J.5) and 
will be marked with the ideas that inspired and developed within 
that struggle. For example, the anarchist collectives in Spain 
were organised in a bottom-up manner, similar to the way the 
C.N.T. (the anarcho-syndicalist labour union) was organised before 
the revolution. In this sense, anarchy is not some distant goal 
but rather an expression of working class struggle. The creation 
of alternatives to the current hierarchical, oppressive, exploitative 
and alienated society is a necessary part of the class struggle and 
the maintaining of your liberty and humanity in the insane world of 
hierarchical society. As such, an anarchist society will be the 
generalisation of the various types of "anarchy in action" created 
in the various struggles against all forms of oppression and 
exploitation (see section I.2.3).

This means that how an anarchist society would look like and work is not 
independent of the means used to create it. In other words, an anarchist 
society will reflect the social struggle which preceded it and the ideas 
which existed within that struggle as modified by the practical needs of
any given situation. Therefore the vision of a free society indicated in 
this section of the FAQ is not some sort of abstraction which will be 
created overnight. If anarchists did think that then we would rightly 
be called utopian. No, an anarchist society is the outcome of activity and 
social struggle, struggle which helps to create a mass movement which 
contains individuals who can think for themselves and are willing and able 
to take responsibility for their own lives (see section J - "What do 
anarchists do?"). 

So, when reading this section please remember that this is not a blueprint 
but only one possible suggestion of what anarchy would look like. It is
designed to provoke thought and indicate that an anarchist society is 
possible and that such a society is the product of our activity in the 
here and now. We hope that our arguments and ideas presented in this
section will inspire more debate and discussion of how a free society 
could work and, equally as important, help to inspire the struggle that
will create that society. After all, anarchists desire to build the new world
in the shell of the old. Unless we have some idea of what that new society
will be like it is difficult to pre-figure it in our activities today! A point
not lost on Kropotkin who argued that it is difficult to "build" "without
extremely careful consideration beforehand, based on the study of social
life, of *what* and *how* we want to build -- we must reject [Proudhon's] 
slogan [that "in demolishing we shall build"] . . . and declare: 'in building
we shall demolish.'" [_Conquest of Bread_, p. 173f] More recently, Noam Chomsky argued that "[a]lternatives to existing forms of hierarchy, domination, 
private power and social control certainly exist in principle. . . But to 
make them realistic will require a great deal of committed work, including 
the work of articulating them clearly." [Noam Chomsky, _Turning the Tide_, 
p. 250] This section of the FAQ can be considered as a contribution to
the articulating of libertarian alternatives to existing society, of want
we want to build for the future.

In other words, view this section of our FAQ as a guide. To use an
analogy, when going on holiday it is a good idea to have a map or
guidebook with you, otherwise you will not know where you are 
going and, indeed, will likely end up *in the wrong place.* Thus
the progress towards a free society is helped by anarchist ideas 
and visions, otherwise it may end up the opposite of what we desire. 
However, it us important that any such guide be discussed by everyone 
before hand, to ensure that it is a *useful* guide and one that
reflects everyone's interests and desires. Thus this section of
our FAQ is simply a contribution to this discussion, a contribution
inspired (in part) by previous contributions, visions and struggles.

We are not afraid that many will argue that much of the vision we present
in this section of the FAQ is utopian. Perhaps they are right, but, as 
Oscar Wilde once said:

"A map of the world that does not include Utopia is not worth glancing at,
for it leaves out the one country at which Humanity is always landing. And
when Humanity lands there, it looks out and, seeing a better country, sets
sail. Progress is the realisation of Utopias." [_The Soul of Man Under
Socialism_, p. 1184]

However, we have attempted to be a practical as we are visionary, presenting
realistic problems as well as presenting evidence for our solutions to these
problems (as well as our general ideas) from real life where possible, rather
than present a series of impossible assumptions which dismiss possible
problems by definition. After all, it is better to consider the worse 
possible cases for if they do not appear then nothing has been lost and 
if they do at least we have a starting point for possible solutions. So, 
all in all, we have tried to be practical utopians! 

We must stress, however, that anarchists do not want a "perfect" society 
(as is often associated with the term "utopia"). This would be as impossible
as the neo-classical vision of perfect competition. Rather we want a free
society and so one based on real human beings and so one with its 
own problems and difficulties. Our use of the word "utopia" should not
be taken to imply that anarchists assume away all problems and argue
that an anarchist society would be ideal and perfect. No society has ever
been perfect and no society ever will be. All we argue is that an anarchist
society will have fewer problems than those before and be better to live
within. Anyone looking for perfection should look elsewhere. Anyone
looking for a better, but still human, world may find in anarchism a
potential end for their quest.

One last point. We must point out here that we are discussing the social 
and economic structures of areas within which the inhabitants are 
predominately anarchists. It is obviously the case that areas in which 
the inhabitants are not anarchists will take on different forms depending 
upon the ideas that dominate there. Hence, assuming the end of the current 
state structure, we could see anarchist communities along with statist 
ones (capitalist or socialist) and these communities taking different 
forms depending on what their inhabitants want -- communist to individualist 
communities in the case of anarchist ones, state socialist to private state 
communities in the statist areas, ones based on religious sects and so
on. As Malatesta argued, anarchists "must be intransigent in our opposition
to all capitalist imposition and exploitation, and tolerant of all social
concepts which prevail in different human groupings, so long as they
do not threaten the equal rights and freedom of others." [_Life and Ideas_,
p. 174] Thus we respect the wishes of others to experiment and live
their own lives as they see fit, while encouraging those in capitalist
and other statist communities to rise in revolution against their masters
and join the free federation of communes of the anarchist community.
Needless to say, we do not discuss non-anarchist communities here as it 
is up to non-anarchists to present their arguments in favour of their 
kind of statism. We will concentrate on discussing anarchist ideas 
on social organisation here.

So, remember that we are not arguing that everyone will live in an 
anarchist way in a free society. Far from it. There will be pockets 
of unfreedom around, simply because the development of ideas varies 
from area to area. However, it would be a mistake to assume that just 
because there are many choices of community available that it automatically 
makes a society an anarchist one. For example, the modern world boasts 
over 200 different states. For most of them, individuals can leave and 
join another if it will let them. There is no world government as such. 
This does not make this series of states an anarchy. Similarly, a system 
of different company towns is not an anarchy either. The nature of the 
associations is just as important as their voluntary nature. As 
Kropotkin argued, the "communes of the next revolution will not only 
break down the state and substitute free federation for parliamentary 
rule; they will part with parliamentary rule within the commune 
itself . . . They will be anarchist within the commune as they 
will be anarchist outside it." [_The Commune of Paris_] Hence an 
anarchist society is one that is freely joined and left and is 
internally non-hierarchical. Thus anarchist communities may co-exist 
with non-anarchist ones but this does *not* mean the non-anarchist 
ones are in any way anarchistic or libertarian.

When reading this section of the FAQ remember three things. One,
an anarchist society will be created by the autonomous actions of
the mass of the population, not by anarchists writing books about
it. This means a real anarchist society will make many mistakes
and develop in ways we cannot predict. Two, that it is only a 
series of suggestions on how things *could* work in an anarchist 
society -- it is *not* a blueprint of any kind. Three, that we 
recognise that anarchist areas will probably co-exist with 
non-anarchist areas. This does not make the non-anarchist areas 
anarchist and it is up to supporters of hierarchy to present their 
own visions of the future. All anarchists can do is present what we 
believe and why we think such a vision is both desirable *and* viable.

We hope that our arguments and ideas presented in this section of the
FAQ will inspire more debate and discussion of how a free society 
would work. In addition, and equally as important, we hope it will
help inspire the struggle that will create that society. After all,
anarchists desire to build the new world in the shell of the old.
Unless we have some idea of what that new society will be like it
is difficult to create it in our activities in the here and now!

I.1 Isn't libertarian socialism an oxymoron? 

In a word, no. This question is often asked by those who have come 
across the so-called "libertarian" right. As discussed in section 
A.1.3, the word "libertarian" has been used by anarchists for far 
longer than the pro-free market right have been using it. Indeed, 
outside of North America "libertarian" is still essentially used 
as an equivalent of "anarchist" and as a shortened version of 
"libertarian socialist." 

This in itself does not, of course, prove that the term "libertarian 
socialist" is free of contradiction. However, as we will show below, 
the claim that the term is self-contradictory rests on the assumption 
that socialism requires the state in order to exist and that socialism 
is incompatible with liberty (and the equally fallacious claim that 
capitalism is libertarian and does not need the state). This assumption, 
as is often true of many objections to socialism, is based on a 
misconception of what socialism is, a misconception that many 
authoritarian socialists and the state capitalism of Soviet Russia 
have helped to foster. In reality it is the term "state socialism" 
which is the true oxymoron. 

Sadly many people take for granted the assertion of many on the right 
and left that socialism equals Leninism or Marxism and ignore the rich 
and diverse history of socialist ideas, ideas that spread from communist
and individualist-anarchism to Leninism. As Benjamin Tucker once noted,
"the fact that State Socialism . . . has overshadowed other forms of
Socialism gives it no right to a monopoly of the Socialistic idea."
[_Instead of a Book_, pp. 363-4] Unfortunately, many on the left 
combine with the right to do exactly that. Indeed, the right (and, of
course, many on the left) consider that, by definition, "socialism" 
*is* state ownership and control of the means of production, along 
with centrally planned determination of the national economy (and 
so social life). This definition has become common because many Social 
Democrats, Leninists, and other statists *call* themselves socialists. 
However, the fact that certain people call themselves socialists does 
not imply that the system they advocate is really socialism (Hitler, 
for example, called himself a "National Socialist" while, in practice, 
ensuring and enhancing the power and profits of capitalists). We need 
to analyse and understand the systems in question, by applying critical, 
scientific thought, in order to determine whether their claims to the 
socialist label are justified. As we will see, to accept the above 
definition one has to ignore the overall history of the socialist 
movement and consider only certain trends within it as representing 
the movement as a whole. 

Even a quick glance at the history of the socialist movement indicates
that the identification of socialism with state ownership and control is
not common. For example, Anarchists, many Guild Socialists, council
communists (and other libertarian Marxists), as well as followers of Robert
Owen, all rejected state ownership. Indeed, anarchists recognised that
the means of production did not change their form as capital when the
state took over their ownership nor did wage-labour change its nature
when it is the state employing labour (for example, Proudhon argued that
if the "State confiscate[d] the mines, canals and railways" it would
only "add to monarchy, and [create] more wage slavery." [_No Gods, No
Masters_, vol. 1, p. 62]). For anarchists state ownership of capital 
is not socialistic in the slightest but rather a tendency *within,* 
not *opposed* to, capitalism just as the growth of larger and larger 
companies does not imply in any way a tendency to socialism (regardless 
of what Lenin or Marx argued -- see section H.3.3 for more on this). 
Indeed, as Tucker was well aware, state ownership turned *everyone* 
into a proletarian (bar the state bureaucracy) -- hardly a desirable 
thing for a political theory aiming for the end of wage slavery!
  
So what *does* socialism mean?  And is it compatible with libertarian
ideals? What do the words "libertarian" and "socialism" actually mean?
It is temping to use dictionary definitions as a starting point, 
although we should stress that such a method holds problems as different 
dictionaries have different definitions and the fact that dictionaries
are rarely politically sophisticated. Use one definition, and someone 
else will counter with one more to their liking. For example, "socialism"
is often defined as "state ownership of wealth" and "anarchy" as "disorder."
Neither of these definitions are useful when discussing political ideas. 
Therefore, the use of dictionaries is not the end of a discussion
and often misleading when applied to politics. 

With that warning, what do we find?

_Webster's New International Dictionary_ defines a libertarian as
"one who holds to the doctrine of free will; also, one who upholds the
principles of liberty, esp. individual liberty of thought and action." 
As we discussed earlier (see section B.1, for example), capitalism denies 
liberty of thought and action within the workplace (unless one is the 
boss, of course). Therefore, *real* libertarian ideas *must* be 
based on workers self-management, i.e. workers must control and
manage the work they do, determining where and how they do it and 
what happens to the fruit of their labour, which in turn means 
the elimination of wage labour. The elimination of wage labour is the 
common theme of socialism (in theory at least, anarchist argue that 
state socialism does not eliminate wage labour, rather it universalises 
it). Or, to use Proudhon's words, the "abolition of the proletariat." 
[_Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon_, p. 179] It implies a 
classless and anti-authoritarian (i.e. libertarian) society in which 
people manage their own affairs, either as individuals or as part of 
a group (depending on the situation). In other words, it implies 
self-management in all aspects of life -- including work. It has 
always struck anarchists as somewhat strange and paradoxical (to say
the least) that a system of "natural" liberty (Adam Smith's term, misappropriated by supporters of capitalism) involves the vast 
majority having to sell that liberty in order to survive. 

According to the _American Heritage Dictionary_ "socialism" is "a social 
system in which the producers possess both political power and the means 
of producing and distributing goods." This definition fits neatly with
the implications of the word "libertarian" indicated above. In fact, it 
shows that socialism is *necessarily* libertarian, not statist. For if 
the state owns the workplace, then the producers do not, and so they will
not be at liberty to manage their own work but will instead be subject to
the state as the boss. Moreover, replacing the capitalist owning class
by  state officials in no way eliminates wage labour; in fact it makes it
worse in many cases. Therefore "socialists" who argue for nationalisation 
of the  means of production are *not* socialists (which means that the 
Soviet Union and the other 'socialist" countries are *not* socialist nor
are parties which advocate nationalisation socialist). 

Indeed, attempts to associate socialism with the state misunderstands
the nature of socialism. It is an essential principle of socialism that
(social) inequalities between individuals must be abolished to ensure
liberty for all (*natural* inequalities cannot be abolished, nor do 
anarchists desire to do so). Socialism, as Proudhon put it, "is egalitarian
above all else." [_No Gods, No Masters_, vol. 1, p. 57] This applies 
to inequalities of power as well, especially to *political* power. And
any hierarchical system (particularly the state) is marked by inequalities
of power -- those at the top (elected or not) have more power than 
those at the bottom. Hence the following comments provoked by the
expulsion of anarchists from the social democratic Second International:

"It could be argued. . . that we [anarchists] are the most logical and
most complete socialists, since we demand for every person not just
his entire measure of wealth of society, but also his portion of social
power, which is to say, the real ability to make his influence felt,
along with that of everybody else, in the administration of public
affairs." [_No Gods, No Masters_, vol. 2, p.20]
 
The election of someone to administer public affairs *for you* is not
having a portion of social power. It is, to use of words of Emile
Pouget (a leading French anarcho-syndicalist) "an act of abdication,"
the delegating of power into the hands of a few. [Op. Cit., p. 67] 
This means that "*[a]ll political power inevitably creates a privileged
situation* for the men who exercise it. Thus it violates, from the
beginning, the equalitarian principle." [Voline, _The Unknown 
Revolution_, p. 249]

From this short discussion we see the links between libertarian and
socialism. To be a true libertarian requires you to support workers'
control otherwise you support authoritarian social relationships. To
support workers' control, by necessity, means that you must ensure
that the producers own (and so control) the means of producing and 
distributing the goods they create (i.e. they must own/control what 
they use to produce goods). Without ownership, they cannot truly control 
their own activity or the product of their labour. The situation where 
workers possess the means of producing and distributing goods is
socialism. Thus to be a true libertarian requires you to be a
socialist.

Similarly, a true socialist must also support individual liberty of
thought and action, otherwise the producers "possess" the means 
of production and distribution in name only. If the state owns the 
means of life, then the producers do not and so are in no position
to manage their own activity. As the experience of Russia under
Lenin shows, state ownership soon produces state control and the
creation of a bureaucratic class which exploits and oppresses the 
workers even more so than their old bosses. Since it is an essential 
principle of socialism that inequalities between people must be 
abolished in order to ensure liberty, it makes no sense for a 
genuine socialist to support any institution based on inequalities 
of power. And as we discussed in section B.2, the state is just such 
an institution. To oppose inequality and not extend that opposition
to inequalities in power, especially *political* power, suggests
a lack of clear thinking. Thus to be a true socialist requires you 
to be a libertarian, to be for individual liberty and opposed to 
inequalities of power which restrict that liberty.

Therefore, rather than being an oxymoron, "libertarian socialism"
indicates that true socialism must be libertarian and that a libertarian
who is not a socialist is a phoney. As true socialists oppose wage 
labour, they must also oppose the state for the same reasons. Similarly,
libertarians must oppose wage labour for the same reasons they must 
oppose the state.

So, libertarian socialism rejects the idea of state ownership and 
control of the economy, along with the state as such. Through workers'
self-management it proposes to bring an end to authority, exploitation,
and hierarchy in production. This in itself will increase, not reduce,
liberty. Those who argue otherwise rarely claim that political democracy
results in less freedom than political dictatorship.

One last point. It could be argued that many social anarchists smuggle 
the state back in via communal ownership of the means of life. This, 
however, is not the case. To argue so confuses society with the state. 
The communal ownership advocated by collectivist and communist 
anarchists is not the same as state ownership. This is because it 
is based on horizontal relationships between the actual workers and 
the "owners" of social capital (i.e. the federated communities as a 
whole, which includes the workers themselves we must stress), not 
vertical ones as in nationalisation (which are between state 
bureaucracies and its "citizens"). Also, such communal ownership 
is based upon letting workers manage their own work and workplaces. 
This means that it is based upon, and does not replace, workers' 
self-management. In addition, all the members of a participatory 
anarchist community fall into one of three categories:  

	(1) producers (i.e. members of a collective or self-employed 
	    artisans); 
	(2) those unable to work (i.e. the  old, sick and so on, who 
	    *were* producers); or 
	(3) the young (i.e. those who *will be* producers).

Therefore, workers' self-management within a framework of communal
ownership is entirely compatible with libertarian and socialist ideas
concerning the possession of the means of producing and distributing 
goods by the producers themselves. 

Hence, far from there being any contradiction between libertarianism 
and socialism, libertarian ideals imply socialist ones, and vice versa. 
As Bakunin argued in 1867:

"We are convinced that freedom without Socialism is privilege and 
injustice, and that Socialism without freedom is slavery and 
brutality." [_Bakunin on Anarchism_, p. 127] 

History has proven him correct. 

I.1.1 Didn't Ludwig von Mises's "calculation argument" prove that 
	socialism can not work?

In 1920, the right-wing economist Ludwig von Mises declared socialism 
to be impossible. A leading member of the "Austrian" school of economics, 
he argued this on the grounds that without private ownership of the means 
of production, there cannot be a competitive market for production goods 
and without a market for production goods, it is impossible to determine 
their values. Without knowing their values, economic rationality is 
impossible and so a socialist economy would simply be chaos -- "the 
absurd output of a senseless apparatus." ["Economic Calculation in the 
Socialist Commonwealth", in _Collectivist Economic Planning_, F.A von 
Hayek (ed.), p.104] While applying his "calculation argument" to Marxist 
ideas of a future socialist society, his argument, it is claimed, is 
applicable to *all* schools of socialist thought, including libertarian 
ones. It is on the basis of his arguments that many right-wingers claim 
that libertarian (or any other kind of) socialism is impossible in 
principle.

As David Schweickart observes "[i]t has long been recognised that von 
Mises's argument is logically defective. Even without a market in 
production goods, their monetary values can be determined." [_Against 
Capitalism_, p. 88] In other words, economic calculation based on prices 
is perfectly possible in a libertarian socialist system. After all, to 
build a workplace requires so many tonnes of steel, of many bricks, so 
many hours of work and so on. If we assume a mutualist (i.e. market 
socialist/co-operative) libertarian socialist society, then the prices 
of these goods can be easily found as the co-operatives in question 
would be offer their services on the market. These commodities would 
be the inputs for the construction of production goods and so the 
latter's monetary values can be found (this does not address whether 
monetary values accurately reflect real costs, an issue we will discuss 
in the next section). 

Ironically enough, von Mises *did* mention the idea of such a 
mutualist system in his initial essay. He wrote of a system 
in which "the 'coal [miners'] syndicate' provides the 'iron 
[workers'] syndicate'" with goods and argued that "no price
can be formed, except when both syndicates are the owners of
the means of production employed in their business" (which
may come as a surprise to transnational companies whose
different workplaces sell each other their products!) Such
a system is dismissed: "This would not be socialisation
but workers' capitalism and syndicalism." [Op. Cit., p. 112]

However, his logic is flawed. Firstly, as we noted, modern
capitalism shows that workplaces owned by the same body
(in this case, a large company) can exchange goods via the
price form. That von Mises makes such a statement indicates
well the firm basis of his argument in reality. Secondly, 
such a system may be, as von Mises states, "syndicalism" (at 
least a form of syndicalism, as most syndicalists were and 
still are in favour of libertarian communism, a simple fact 
apparently unknown to von Mises) but it is not capitalist as
there is no wage labour involved as workers' own and control 
their own means of production. Indeed, von Mises ignorance
of syndicalist thought is striking. In _Human Action_ he
asserts that the "market is a consumers' democracy. The
syndicalists want to transform it into a producers' 
democracy." [p. 809] Most syndicalists, however, aim to
*abolish* the market and *all* aim for workers' control
of production to *complement* (not replace) consumer
choice. Syndicalists, like other anarchists, do not aim 
for workers' control of consumption as von Mises asserts.
Given that von Mises asserts that the market, in which one
person can have a thousand votes and another one, is a
"democracy" his ignorance of syndicalist ideas is perhaps
only one aspect of a general ignorance of reality.

Indeed, such an economy also strikes at the heart of von 
Mises' claims that socialism was "impossible." Given that
von Mises accepted that there may be markets, and hence
market prices, for consumer goods in a socialist economy
his claims of the impossibility of socialism seems unfounded.
For von Mises, the problem for socialism is that "because no 
production-good will ever become the object of exchange, it 
will be impossible to determine its monetary value." [Op. Cit., 
p. 92] The flaw in his argument is clear. Taking, for example,
coal, we find that it is both a means of production and of
consumption. If a market in consumer goods is possible for
a socialist system, then competitive prices for production
goods is also possible as syndicates producing production-goods
would also sell the product of their labour to other syndicates
or communes. Thus, when deciding upon a new workplace, railway 
or house, the designers in question do have access to competitive 
prices with which to make their decisions. Nor does his argument
work against communal ownership in such a system as the commune
would be buying products from syndicates in the same way as
one part of a multi-national company can buy products from 
another part of the same company under capitalism. That goods
produced by self-managed syndicates have prices does not
imply capitalism, regardless of von Mises' claims. 

Thus economic calculation based on competitive market prices 
is possible under a socialist system. Indeed, we see examples 
of this even under capitalism. For example, the Mondragon 
co-operative complex in the Basque Country indicate that a 
libertarian socialist economy can exist and flourish. There 
is no need for capital markets in a system based on mutual 
banks and networks of co-operatives (indeed, as we argue at 
the end of section I.4.8, capital markets *hinder* economic 
efficiency by generating a perverse set of incentives and 
misleading information flows and so their abolition would 
actually *aid* production and productive efficiency). 
Unfortunately, the state socialists who replied to Mises 
did not have such a libertarian economy in mind. 

In response to von Mises initial challenge, a number of economists 
pointed out that Pareto's disciple, Enrico Barone, had already, 
13 years earlier, demonstrated the theoretical possibility of a 
"market-simulated socialism." However, the principal attack on 
von Mises's argument came from Fred Taylor and Oscar Lange (for a 
collection of their main papers, see _On the Economic Theory of 
Socialism_, Benjamin Lippincott (ed.), University of Minnesota, 
1938). In light of their work, Frederick von Hayek shifted the 
question from theoretical impossibility to whether the theoretical
solution could be approximated in practice. Thus even von Hayek, a 
major free-market capitalist guru, seemed to think that von Mises's 
argument could not be defended.

Moreover, it should be noted that both sides of the argument accepted 
the idea of central planning of some kind or another. This means 
that many of von Mises's and von Hayek's arguments did not apply 
to libertarian socialism, which rejects central planning along with 
every other form of centralisation. This is a key point, as most 
members of the right seem to assume that "socialists" all agree 
with each other in supporting a centralised economic system. In 
other words, they ignore a large segment of socialist thought 
and history in order to concentrate on Social Democracy and 
Leninism. The idea of a network of "people's banks" and 
co-operatives working together to meet their common interests 
is ignored, although it has been a common feature in socialist 
thought since the time of Robert Owen. 

Nor was Taylor and Lange's response particularly convincing 
in the first place. This was because it was based far more on 
neo-classical capitalist economic theory than on an appreciation 
of reality. In place of the Walsrian "Auctioneer" (the "god in 
the machine" of general equilibrium theory which ensures that all 
markets clear) Taylor and Lange presented the Planning Authority (the 
"Central Planning Board"), whose job it was to adjust prices so that 
all markets cleared. Neo-classical economists who are inclined to 
accept Walrasian theory as an adequate account of a working capitalist 
economy will be forced to accept the validity of Taylor and Lange's 
version of "socialism." Little wonder Taylor and Lange were considered, 
at the time, the victors in the "socialist calculation" debate by most 
of the economics profession (with the collapse of the Soviet Union, 
this decision has been revised somewhat -- although we must point out 
that Taylor and Lange's model was not the same as the Soviet system, a 
fact conveniently ignored by commentators). 

Unfortunately, given that Walrasian theory has little bearing to 
reality, we must also come to the conclusion that the Taylor-Lange 
"solution" has about the same relevance (even ignoring its 
non-libertarian aspects, such as its basis in state-ownership, 
its centralisation, its lack of workers' self-management and so 
on). Many people consider Taylor and Lange as fore-runners of 
"market socialism." This is incorrect -- rather than being market 
socialists, they are in fact "neo-classical" socialists, building 
a "socialist" system which mimics capitalist economic *theory* 
rather than its *reality*. Replacing Walrus's mythical creation 
of the "Auctioneer" with a planning board does not really get 
to the heart of the problem! Nor does their vision of "socialism" 
have much appeal -- a re-production of capitalism with a planning 
board and a more equal distribution of money income. Anarchists 
reject such "socialism" as little more than a nicer version of 
capitalism, if that.

With the collapse of the Soviet Union, it has been fashionable to 
argue that "von Mises was right" and that socialism is impossible
(of course, *during* the cold war such claims were ignored as
the Soviet threat had to boosted and used as a means of social
control and to justify state aid to capitalist industry). Nothing 
could be further from the truth. As we have argued in the 
previous section and elsewhere, these countries were not socialist 
at all and did not even approximate the (libertarian) socialist 
idea (which is the only true form of socialism). Obviously the 
Soviet Union and Eastern European countries had authoritarian 
"command economies" with central bureaucratic planning, and so 
their failure cannot be taken as proof that a decentralised, 
libertarian socialism cannot work. Nor can von Mises' and von 
Hayek's arguments against Taylor and Lange be used against a 
libertarian mutualist or collectivist system as such a system 
is decentralised and dynamic (unlike the "neo-classical" socialist 
model they proposed). Libertarian socialism of this kind did, 
in fact, work remarkably well during the Spanish Revolution in 
the face of amazing difficulties, with increased productivity and 
output in many workplaces as well as increased equality and liberty 
(see Sam Dolgoff, _The Anarchist Collectives_ or Gaston Leval's 
_Collectives in the Spanish Revolution_ as well as section I.8 of 
this FAQ).

Thus von Mises "calculation argument" does not prove that socialism is
impossible. The theoretical work of such socialists as David Schweickart
(see his _Against Capitalism_ for an extensive discussion of a dynamic,
decentralised market socialist system) and others on market socialism 
shows that von Mises was wrong in asserting that  "a socialist system 
with a market and market prices is as self-contradictory as is the notion 
of a triangular square." Indeed, by suppressing capital markets in favour
of simple commodity production, a mutualist system will improve upon
capitalism by removing an important source of perverse incentives
which hinder long term investment and social responsibility (see 
section I.4.8) in addition to reducing inequalities, increasing
freedom and improving general economic performance.

So far, most models of market socialism have not been fully libertarian, 
but instead involve the idea of workers' control within a framework of 
state ownership of capital (Engler in _Apostles of Greed_ is an exception 
to this, supporting community ownership). However, as we argue in 
section H.7, libertarian forms of market socialism are indeed possible 
and would be similar to Proudhon's mutualism. As anarchist Robert Graham
points out, "Market socialism is but one of the ideas defended by Proudhon 
which is both timely and controversial. . . Proudhon's market socialism 
is indissolubly linked with his notions of industrial democracy and 
workers' self-management." ["Introduction", P-J Proudhon, _General Idea 
of the Revolution_, p. xxxii] His system of agro-industrial federations
can be seen as a non-statist way of protecting self-management, liberty
and equality in the face of market forces (as he argued in _The Principle
of Federation_, "[h]owever impeccable in its basic logic the federal
principle may be. . . it will not survive if economic factors tend 
persistently to dissolve it. In other words, political right requires
to be buttressed by economic right" and "in an economic context, 
confederation may be intended to provide reciprocal security in
commerce and industry. . . The purpose of such specific federal
arrangements is to protect the citizens. . . from capitalist and
financial exploitation. . . in their aggregate they form . . .
an *agro-industrial federation*" [_The Principle of Federation_,
p. 67 and p. 70]).

Indeed, some Leninist Marxists recognise the links between Proudhon 
and market socialism. For example, the unorthodox Trotskyite Hillel 
Ticktin argues that Proudhon, "the anarchist and inveterate foe of 
Karl Marx. . . put forward a conception of society, which is probably 
the first detailed exposition of a 'socialist market.'" ["The Problem 
is Market Socialism", in _Market Socialism: The Debate Among 
Socialists_, edited by Bertell Ollman, p. 56] In addition, see 
_Against the Market_ in which the author, Dave Nally, correctly 
argues that Proudhon was a precursor of the current market socialists.
Needless to say, these Leninists reject the idea of market socialism
as contradictory and, basically, not socialist (while, strangely
enough, acknowledging that the transition to Marxist-communism 
under the workers' state would use the market!).

Thus it is possible for a socialist economy to allocate resources 
using a competitive market. However, does von Mises's argument mean 
that a socialism that abolishes the market (such as libertarian 
communism) is impossible? Given that the vast majority of anarchists
seek a libertarian communist society, this is an important question.
We address it in the next section.

I.1.2 Does Mises' argument mean libertarian communism is impossible? 

In a word, no. While the "calculation argument" is often used by 
right-libertarian's as *the* "scientific" basis for the argument 
that communism (a moneyless society) is impossible, it is based 
on certain false ideas of what money does and how an anarchist 
society would function without it. This is hardly surprising, 
as Mises based his theory on the "subjective" theory of value 
and the Marxist social-democratic (and so Leninist) ideas of 
what a "socialist" economy would look like. As Libertarian 
Marxist Paul Mattick correctly argued:

"However divided the old [social-democratic] labour movement 
may be by disagreements on various topics, on the question of 
socialism it stands united. Hilferding's abstract 'General-Cartel',
Lenin's admiration for the German war socialism and the
German postal service. Kautsky's eternalisation of the
value-price-money economy (desiring to do consciously what
in capitalism is performed by blind market forces). Trotsky's
war communism equipped with supply and demand features, and
Stalin's institutional economics -- all these concepts have
at their base the continuation of the existing conditions
of production. As a matter of fact, they are mere reflections
of what is actually going on in capitalist society. Indeed,
such 'socialism' is discussed today by famous bourgeois
economists like Pigou, Hayek, Robbins, Keynes, to mention
only a few, and has created a considerable literature to
which the socialists now turn for their material." 
[_Anti-Bolshevik Communism_, pp. 80-1]

Therefore, there has been little discussion of what a true 
(i.e. libertarian) communist society would be like, one that 
utterly transformed the existing conditions of production by
workers' self-management and the abolition of both the wages 
system and money. However, it is useful here to indicate 
exactly why a moneyless (i.e. truly communist) "economy" 
would work and why the "calculation argument" is flawed as 
an objection to it. 

Mises argued that without money there was no way a socialist economy 
would make "rational" production decisions. Not even von Mises denied 
that a moneyless society could estimate what is likely to be needed 
over a given period of time (as expressed as physical quantities of 
definite types and sorts of objects). As he argued, "calculation *in 
natura* in an economy without exchange can embrace consumption-goods 
only." [_Collectivist Economic Planning_, F.A. Von Hayek (ed.), p. 104] 
Mises' argument is that the next step, working out which productive 
methods to employ, would not be possible, or at least would not be 
able to be done "rationally," i.e. avoiding waste and inefficiency. 
As he argues, the evaluation of producer goods "can only be done 
with some kind of economic calculation. The human mind cannot orient 
itself properly among the bewildering mass of intermediate products 
and potentialities without such aid. It would simply stand perplexed 
before the problems of management and location." [Op. Cit., p. 103] 
Mises' claimed that monetary calculation based on market prices is
the only solution.

This argument is not without its force. How can a producer be 
expected to know if tin is a better use of resources than iron 
when creating a product if all they know is that iron and tin
are available and suitable for their purpose? Or, if we have
a consumer good which can be made with A + 2B or 2A + B 
(where A and B are both input factors such as steel, oil
electricity, etc.) how can we tell which method is more efficient
(i.e. which one used least resources and so left the most
over for other uses)? With market prices, Mises' argued, it 
is simple. If the iron cost $5 and tin $4, then tin should be
used. Similarly, if A cost $10 and B $5, then clearly method
one would be the most efficient ($20 versus $25). Without
the market, von Mises argued, such a decision would be impossible
and so every decision would be a "leap in the dark."

However, Mises' argument is based on a number of flawed assumptions. 

Firstly, he assumes a centralised, planned economy. While this 
was a common idea in Marxian social democracy (and the Leninism 
that came from it), it is rejected by anarchism. No small body 
of people can be expected to know what happens in society ("No 
single brain nor any bureau of brains can see to this organisation," 
in the words of Issac Puente [_Libertarian Communism_, p. 29]). As 
Bakunin argued, it would lead in practice to "an extremely complex 
government. This government will not content itself with administering 
and governing the masses politically . . . it will also administer the 
masses economically, concentrating in the hands of the State [all 
economic and social activity] . . . All that will demand an immense 
knowledge and many heads 'overflowing with brains' in this government. 
It will be the reign of *scientific intelligence*, the most aristocratic, 
despotic, arrogant, and elitist of all regimes. There will be a new 
class, a new hierarchy . . . Such a regime will not fail to arouse 
very considerable discontent in the masses of the people, and in order 
to keep them in check . . .[a] considerable armed force [would be 
required]." [_Bakunin on Anarchism_, p. 319]  Hence anarchists can 
agree with Mises: central planning cannot work in practice. However, 
socialist ideas are not limited to Marxian Social Democracy, and so 
von Mises ignores far more socialistic ideas than he attacks. 

His next assumption is equally flawed. This is that without the market, 
no information is passed between producers beyond the final outcome of
production. In other words, he assumes that the final product is all that
counts in evaluating its use. Needless to say, it is true that without
more information than the name of a given product, it is impossible to
determine whether using it would be an efficient utilisation of resources.
But von Mises misunderstands the basic concept of use-value, namely the
utility of a good to the consumer of it. As Adam Buick and John Crump
point out, "at the level of the individual production unit or industry,
the only calculations that would be necessary in socialism would be
calculations in kind. On the one side would be recorded the resources
(materials, energy, equipment, labour) used up in production and on the
other the amount of good produced, together with any by-products. . . .
Socialist production is simply the production of use values from use
values, and nothing more." [_State Capitalism: The Wages System Under 
New Management_, p. 137]

The generation and communication of such information implies a 
decentralised, horizontal network between producers and consumers. 
This is because what counts as a use-value can only be determined
by those directly using it. Thus the production of use-values from
use-values cannot be achieved via central planning, as the central
planners have no notion of the use-value of the goods being used
or produced. Such knowledge lies in many hands, dispersed throughout 
society, and so socialist production implies decentralisation. 
Capitalist ideologues claim that the market allows the utilisation
of such dispersed knowledge, but as John O'Neil notes, "the market 
may be *one* way in which dispersed knowledge can be put to good 
effect. It is not . . . the only way." [_Ecology, Policy and 
Politics_, p. 118]

So, in order to determine if a specific good is useful to a person, that
person needs to know its "cost."  Under capitalism, the notion of cost has
been so associated with *price* that we have to put the word "cost" in
quotation marks. However, the real cost of, say, writing a book, is not 
a sum of money but so much paper, so much energy, so much ink, so much 
human labour. In order to make a rational decision on whether a given good 
is better for meeting a given need than another, the would-be consumer
requires this information. However, under capitalism this information 
is *hidden* by the price.

Moreover, a purely market-based system leaves out information on 
which to base rational resource allocations (or, at the very least, 
hides it). The reason for this is that a market system measures, at 
best, preferences of *individual* buyers among the *available* options. 
This assumes that all the pertinent use-values that are to be outcomes of 
production are things that are to be consumed by the individual, rather 
than use-values that are collectively enjoyed (like clean air). Prices 
in the market do not measure social costs or externalities, meaning 
that such costs are not reflected in the price and so you cannot have 
a rational price system. Similarly, if the market measures only 
preferences amongst things that can be monopolised and sold to 
individuals, as distinguished from values that are enjoyed 
collectively, then it follows that information necessary for 
rational decision-making in production is not provided by the market.

In other words, prices hide the actual costs that production involved 
for the individual, society, and the environment, and instead boils 
everything down into *one* factor, namely price. There is a lack of 
dialogue and information between producer and consumer. As John
O'Neil argues, "the market distributes a little information and
. . . blocks the distribution of a great deal [more]. . . The 
educative dialogue exists not through the market, but alongside 
of it." [_Ecology, Policy and Politics_, p. 143]

In the words of Joan Robinson:

"In what industry, in what line of business, are the true social
costs of the activity registered in its accounts? Where is the
pricing system that offers the consumer a fair choice between
air to breath and motor cars to drive about in?" [_Contribution
to Modern Economics_, p. 10]

Indeed, prices often *mis*-value goods as companies can gain a
competitive advantage by passing costs onto society (in the form
of pollution, for example, or de-skilling workers, increasing
job insecurity, and so on). This externalisation of costs is 
actually rewarded in the market as consumers seek the lowest
prices, unaware of the reasons *why* it is lower (such information
cannot be gathered from looking at the price). Even if we assume
that such activity is penalised by fines later, the damage is
still done and cannot be undone. Indeed, the company may be able
to weather the fines due to the profits it originally made by
externalising costs.

And do prices *actually* reflect costs, even assuming that they
accurately reflect social costs and externalities? The question 
of profit, the reward for owning capital and allowing others to 
use it, is hardly a cost in the same way as labour, resources and 
so on (attempts to explain profits as an equivalent sacrifice as 
labour have always been ridiculous and quickly dropped). When 
looking at prices to evaluate efficient use for goods, you cannot
actually tell by the price if this is so. Two goods may have 
the same price, but profit levels (perhaps under the influence 
of market power) may be such that one has a higher cost price 
than another. The price mechanism fails to indicate which uses 
least resources as it is influenced by market power. Indeed, 
as Takis Fotopoulos notes, "[i]f . . . both central planning 
and the market economy inevitably lead to concentrations of 
power, then neither the former nor the latter can produce the 
sort of information flows and incentives which are necessary 
for the best functioning of any economic system." [_Towards an 
Inclusive Democracy_, p. 252] Moreover, a good produced under 
a authoritarian state which represses its workforce would have 
a lower price than one produced in a country which allowed 
unions to organise and had basic human rights. The repression 
would force down the cost of labour, so making the good in 
question appear as a more "efficient" use of resources. In 
other words, the market can mask inhumanity as "efficiency" 
and actually reward that behaviour by market share.

Simply put, prices cannot be taken to reflect real costs
any more that they can reflect the social expression of
the valuation of goods. They are the result of a conflict
waged over these goods and those that acted as their inputs
(including, of course, labour). Market and social power,
much more than need or resource usage, decides the issue.
The inequality in the means of purchasers, in the market
power of firms and in the bargaining position of labour
and capital all play their part, so distorting any 
relationship a price may have to its costs in terms of
resource use. Prices are misshapen. Little wonder Kropotkin
asked whether "are we not yet bound to analyse that
compound result we call price rather than to accept
it as a supreme and blind ruler of our actions?" [_Fields,
Factories and Workshops Tomorrow_, p. 71]

Von Mises argued that anyone "who wished to make calculations 
in regard to a complicated process of production will 
immediately notice whether he has worked more economically
than others or not; if he finds, from reference to the
exchange values obtaining in the market, that he will not
be able to produce profitably, this shows that others 
understand how to make better use of the higher-order
goods in question." [Op. Cit., pp. 97-8] However, this only
shows whether someone has worked more *profitably* that
others, not whether it is more economical. Market power
automatically muddles this issue, as does the possibility
of reducing the monetary cost of production by recklessly
exploiting natural resources and labour, polluting, or
otherwise passing costs onto others. Similarly, the issue
of wealth inequality is important, for if the production 
of luxury goods proves more profitable than basic essentials
for the poor does this show that producing the former is
a better use of resources? And, of course, the key issue
of the relative strength of market power between workers
and capitalists plays a key role in determining "profitably."

Therefore, the claim that prices reflect real costs and so
efficiency can be faulted on two levels. Moreover, without
using another means of cost accounting instead of prices
how can supporters of capitalism know there is a correlation
between actual and price costs? One can determine whether
such a correlation exists by measuring one against the
other. If this cannot be done, then the claim that prices 
measure costs is a tautology (in that a price represents a
cost and we know that it is a cost because it has a price). 
If it can be done, then we can calculate costs in some other
sense than in market prices and so that argument that only
market prices represent costs falls.

Similarly, von Mises assumes that capitalism can accurately 
estimate the costs of investing. Using the example of a
new railroad, he asks "[s]hould it be built at all, and if
so, which out of the number of conceivable roads should be
built? In a competitive and monetary economy, this question
would be answered by monetary calculation. The new road
will render less expensive the transport of some goods,
and it may be possible to calculate whether this reduction
of expense transcends that involved in the building and
upkeep of the new line." [Op. Cit., pp. 108-9] However,
this is *not* the case. An investment decision is made
based on estimating *possible* future events. The new
line *may* reduce transportation costs but the expected
reduction may be relatively less that predicted, so causing
the investment to fail. Moreover, an investment may fail
while it meets a social need simply because people may
need the product but cannot afford to pay for it. In
other words, von Mises example hardly shows the superiority
of monetary calculation as the decision to invest under
capitalism is as much a leap in the dark as it would
be an a socialist system (the future is uncertain, in
other words).

Lastly, Mises assumes that the market is a rational system. As 
O'Neil points out, "Von Mises' earlier arguments against socialist 
planning turned on an assumption about commensurability. His central 
argument was that rational economic decision-making required a single 
measure on the basis of which the worth of alternative states of affairs 
could be calculated and compared." [Op. Cit., p. 115] This central 
assumption was unchallenged by Taylor and Lange in their defence of 
"socialism", meaning that from the start the debate against von Mises 
was defensive and based on the argument that socialist planning could 
mimic the market and produce results which were efficient from a 
capitalist point of view. Thus, no one challenged Mises' assumptions 
either about the centrally planned nature of socialism or about the 
market being a rational system. Little wonder that the debate put 
the state socialists on the defensive. As their system was little 
more than state capitalism, it is unlikely they would attack the 
fundamentals of capitalism (namely wage labour and centralisation). 

So, is capitalism rational? Well, it does exist, but that does not prove
that it is rational. The Catholic Church exists, but that shows nothing
about the rationality of the institution. To answer the question, we must
return to our earlier point that using prices means basing all decision
making on one criterion and ignoring all others. This has seriously
irrational effects, because the managers of capitalist enterprises are
obliged to choose technical means of production which produce the 
cheapest results. All other considerations are subordinate, in particular 
the health and welfare of the producers and the effects on the environment.
The harmful effects resulting from "rational" capitalist production
methods have long been pointed out. For example, speed-ups, pain, stress,
accidents, boredom, overwork, long hours and so on all harm the physical
and mental health of those involved, while pollution, the destruction of
the environment, and the exhaustion of non-renewable resources all have
serious effects on both the planet and those who live on it. As E. F.
Schumacher argued:

"But what does it *mean* when we say that something is uneconomic? . . .
[S]omething is uneconomic when it fails to earn an adequate profit in
terms of money. The method of economics does not, and cannot, produce
any other meaning. . . The judgement of economics . . . is an extremely
*fragmentary* judgement; out of the large number of aspects which in
real life have to be seen and judged together before a decision can
be taken, economics supplies only one -- whether a money profit 
accrues *to those who undertake it* or not." [_Small is Beautiful_,
pp. 27-8]

Schumacher stressed that "about the *fragmentary* nature of the 
judgements of economics there can be no doubt whatever. Even
with the narrow compass of the economic calculus, these 
judgements are necessarily and *methodically* narrow. For one
thing, they give vastly more weight to the short then to the
long term. . . [S]econd, they are based on a definition of
cost which excludes all 'free goods' . . . [such as the]
environment, except for those parts that have been privately
appropriated. This means that an activity can be economic 
although it plays hell with the environment, and that a
competing activity, if at some cost it protects and conserves
the environment, will be uneconomic." Moreover, "[d]o not overlook 
the words 'to those who undertake it.' It is a great error to
assume, for instance, that the methodology of economics is
normally applied to determine whether an activity carried
out by a group within society yields a profit to society
as a whole." [Op. Cit., p. 29] 

To claim that prices include all these "externalities" is 
nonsense. If they did, we would not see capital moving to 
third-world countries with few or no anti-pollution or 
labour laws. At best, the "cost" of pollution would only 
be included in a price if the company was sued successfully 
in court for damages -- in other words, once the damage is 
done. Ultimately, companies have a strong interest in buying 
inputs with the lowest prices, regardless of *how* they are 
produced. As Noam Chomsky points out, "[i]n a true capitalist 
society, . . . socially responsible behaviour would be
penalised quickly in that competitors, lacking such social 
responsibility, would supplant anyone so misguided as to be 
concerned with something other than private benefit." 
[_Language and Politics_, p. 301] It is reductionist 
accounting and its accompanying "ethics of mathematics" 
that produces the "irrationality of rationality" which 
plagues capitalism's exclusive reliance on prices (i.e. 
profits) to measure "efficiency." Moreover, the critique 
we have just sketched ignores the periodic crises that hit 
capitalist industry and economies to produce massive 
unemployment and social disruption -- crises that are 
due to subjective and objective pressures on the operation 
of the price mechanism (see section C.7 for details). 

Ironically enough, von Mises also pointed to the irrational nature
of the price mechanism. He states (correctly) that there are
"extra-economic" elements which "monetary calculation cannot
embrace" because of "its very nature." He acknowledges that
these "considerations themselves can scarcely be termed
irrational" and, as examples, lists "[i]n any place where
men regard as significant the beauty of a neighbourhood or
a building, the health, happiness and contentment of mankind,
the honour of individuals or nations." He states that "they are
just as much motive forces of rational conduct as are economic
factors" but they "do not enter into exchange relationships."
[von Mises, Op. Cit., p. 99] How rational is an economic system
which ignores the "health, happiness and contentment" of people?
Or the beauty of their surroundings? Which, moreover, penalises
those who take these factors into consideration? For anarchists,
von Mises comments indicate well the inverted logic of capitalism.
That von Mises can support a system which ignores the needs of
individuals, their happiness, health, surroundings, environment
and so on by "its very nature" says a lot (his suggestion
that we assign monetary values to such dimensions [p. 100] 
begs the question and has plausibility only if it assumes what
it is supposed to prove. Indeed, the person who would put
a price on friendship simply would have no friends. They
simply do not understand what friendship is and are thereby
excluded from much which is best in human life. Likewise
for other "extra-economic" goods that individual's value,
such as beautiful places, happiness, the environment and 
so on).

Under communist-anarchism, the decision-making system used to 
determine the best use of resources is not more or less "efficient" 
than market allocation, because it goes beyond the market-based 
concept of "efficiency." It does not seek to mimic the market but 
to do what the market fails to do. This is important, because the 
market is not the rational system its defenders often claim. While 
reducing all decisions to one common factor is, without a doubt, 
an easy method of decision making, it also has serious side-effects 
*because* of its reductionistic basis (as discussed further in the 
next section). As Einstein once pointed out, things should be made 
as simple as possible but not simplistic. The market makes decision 
making simplistic and generates a host of irrationalities and 
dehumanising effects. 

Sections I.4.4 and I.4.5 discusses one possible framework for a 
communist economic decision-making process. Such a framework is 
necessary because "an appeal to a necessary role for practical 
judgements in decision making  is *not* to deny any role to general 
principles. Neither . . . does it deny any place for the use of 
technical rules and algorithmic procedures . . . Moreover, there 
is a necessary role for rules of thumb, standard procedures, the 
default procedures and institutional arrangements that can be 
followed unreflectively  and which *reduce* the scope for *explicit* 
judgements comparing different  states of affairs. There are limits 
in time, efficient use of resources and the dispersal of knowledge 
which require rules and institutions. Such rules and institutions 
can fee us for space and time for reflective judgements where 
they matter most." [John O'Neil, Op. Cit., pp. 117-8]

While these algorithmic procedures and guidelines can, and indeed
should be, able to be calculated by hand, it is likely that 
computers will be extensively used to take input data and process
it into a suitable format. Indeed, many capitalist companies
have software which records raw material inputs and finished
product into databases and spreadsheets. Such software could be
the basis of a libertarian communist decision making algorithm.
Of course, currently such data is submerged beneath money and
does not take into account externalities and the nature of the
work involved (as would be the case in an anarchist society).
However, this does not limit their potential or deny that 
communist use of such software can be used to inform decisions.

This, we must note, indicates that communist society would
use various "aids to the mind" to help individuals and groups
to make economic decisions. This would reduce the complexity
of economic decision making, by allowing different options
and resources to be compared to each other. Hence the
complexity of economic decision making in an economy with
a multitude of goods can be reduced by the use of rational
algorithmic procedures and methods to aid the process. Such
tools would aid decision making, not dominate it as these
decisions affect humans and the planet and should never be
made automatically.

It is useful to remember that von Mises argued that it is 
the *complexity* of a modern economy that ensures money is 
required. As he put it, "[w]ithin the narrow confines of 
household economy, for instance, where the father can 
supervise the entire economic management, it is possible 
to determine the significance of changes in the processes 
of production, without such aids to the mind [as monetary 
calculation], and yet with more or less of accuracy." However, 
"the mind of one man alone -- be it ever so cunning, is too 
weak to grasp the importance of any single one among the
countlessly many goods of higher order. No single man
can ever master all the possibilities of production,
innumerable as they are, as to be in a position to make
straightway evident judgements of value without the aid
of some system of computation." [Op. Cit., p. 102]

That being the case, a libertarian communist society would 
quickly develop the means of comparing the real impact of
specific "higher order" goods in terms of their real costs
(i.e. the amount of labour, energy and raw materials used
plus any social and ecological costs). As we noted above, 
this essential decision making information would have to
be recorded and communicated in a communist society and used
to evaluate different options using an agreed methods of
comparison. This methods of comparison differs drastically
from the price mechanism as it recognises that mindless,
automatic calculation is impossible in social choices. Such 
choices have an unavoidable ethical and political dimension 
simply because they involve other human beings and the 
environment. As von Mises himself acknowledges, monetary 
calculation does not capture such dimensions. We, therefore, 
need to employ practical judgement in making choices aided 
by a full understanding of the *real* social and ecological 
costs involved using, of course, the appropriate "aids to 
the mind." 

In addition, a decentralised system will by necessity have
to compare less alternatives as local knowledge will eliminate
many of the options available. As von Mises acknowledged, 
a "household economy" *can* make economic decisions without
money. Being more decentralised than capitalism, a libertarian
communist economy will, therefore, be able to do so as well, 
particularly when it uses the appropriate "aids to the mind" 
to evaluate external resources versus locally produced ones. 
Given that an anarchist society would be complex and integrated, 
such aids would be essential but, due to its decentralised nature, 
it need not embrace the price mechanism. It can evaluate the
efficiency of its decisions by looking at the *real* costs 
involved to society rather than embrace the distorted system
of costing explicit in the price mechanism (as Kropotkin once
put it, "if we analyse *price*" we must "make a distinction 
between its different elements" in order to make rationale
allocation and investment decisions [Op. Cit., p. 72]).

Thus, anarchists argue that von Mises' claims were wrong. 
Communism is viable, but only if it is libertarian communism. 
Economic decision making in a moneyless "economy" is possible. 
Indeed, it could be argued that von Mises' argument exposes 
difficulties for capitalism rather than for anarchism. Capitalist 
"efficiency" is hardly rational and for a fully human and 
ecological efficiency, libertarian communism is required. As 
two libertarian socialists point out, "socialist society still 
has to be concerned with using resources efficiently and 
rationally, but the criteria of 'efficiency' and 'rationality' 
are not the same as they are under capitalism." [Buick and 
Crump, Op. Cit., p. 137] 

So, to claim that communism will be "more" efficient than 
capitalism or vice versa misses the point. Libertarian 
communism will be "efficient" in a totally different way 
and people will act in ways considered "irrational" only 
under the logic of capitalism.

I.1.3 What is wrong with markets anyway? 

A lot. Markets soon result in what are termed "market forces,"
"impersonal" forces which ensure that the people in the economy 
do what is required of them in order for the economy to function. 
The market system, in capitalist apologetics, is presented to appear 
as a regime of freedom where no one forces anyone to do anything, 
where we "freely" exchange with others as we see fit. However, the 
facts of the matter are somewhat different, since the market often 
ensures that people act in ways *opposite* to what they desire or 
forces them to accept "free agreements" which they may not actually 
desire. Wage labour is the most obvious example of this, for, as we 
indicated in section B.4, most people have little option but to agree 
to work for others. 

We must stress here that not all anarchists are opposed to the market.
Individualist anarchists favour it while Proudhon wanted to modify
it while retaining competition. For many, the market equals capitalism.
However, this is not the case as it ignores the fundamental issue of
(economic) class, namely who owns the means of production. Capitalism
is unique in that it is based on wage labour, i.e. a market for labour
as workers do not own their own means of production and have to sell
themselves to those who do. Thus it is entirely possible for a market 
to exist within a society and for that society *not* to be capitalist. 
For example, a society of independent artisans and peasants selling 
their product on the market would not be capitalist as workers would 
own and control their means of production and so wage labour (and so 
capitalism) would not exist. Similarly, Proudhon's competitive system 
of self-managed co-operatives and mutual banks would be non-capitalist
(and socialist) for the same reason. Anarchists object to capitalism
due to the quality of the social relationships it generates between
people (i.e. it generates authoritarian ones). If these relationships
are eliminated then the kinds of ownership which do so are anarchistic.
Thus the issue of ownership matters only in-so-far it generates 
relationships of the desired kind (i.e. those based on liberty,
equality and solidarity). To concentrate purely on "markets" or
"property" means to ignore social relationships and the key aspect
of capitalism, namely wage labour. That right-wingers do this is
understandable (to hide the authoritarian core of capitalism) but
why (libertarian or other) socialists should do so is less clear.

In this section of the FAQ we discuss anarchist objections to the
market *as such* rather than the capitalist market. The workings of
the market do have problems with them which are independent of, or 
made worse by, the existence of wage-labour. It is these problems
which make most anarchists hostile to the market and so desire a
communist-anarchist society.

So, even if we assume a mutualist or market-socialist system of
competing self-managed workplaces, it's clear that market forces 
would soon result in many irrationalities occurring. Most obviously, 
operating in a market means submitting to the profit criterion. This 
means that however much workers might want to employ social criteria, 
they cannot. To ignore profitability would cause their firm to go 
bankrupt. Markets therefore create conditions that compel workers 
and consumers to decide things which are not be in their interest, 
for example introducing deskilling or polluting technology, longer 
hours, and so on. We could also point to the numerous industrial 
deaths and accidents which are due to market forces making it 
unprofitable to introduce adequate safety equipment or working 
conditions, (conservative estimates for industrial deaths in the 
USA are between 14 000 and 25 000 per year plus over 2 million 
disabled), or to increased pollution and stress levels which 
shorten life spans. 

In addition, a market-based system can result in what we have 
termed "the ethics of mathematics," where things (particularly 
money) become more important than people. This can have a 
de-humanising effect, with people becoming cold-hearted 
calculators who put profits before people. This can be seen 
in capitalism, where economic decisions are far more important 
than ethical ones. And such an inhuman mentality can be
rewarded on the market. Merit does not "necessarily" breed 
success, and the successful do not "necessarily" have merit. 
The truth is that, in the words of Noam Chomsky, "wealth and 
power tend to accrue to those who are ruthless, cunning, 
avaricious, self-seeking, lacking in sympathy and compassion, 
subservient to authority and willing to abandon principle for
material gain, and so on. . . Such qualities might be just the
valuable ones for a war of all against all." [_For Reasons
of State_, pp. 139-140] Thorstein Veblen elaborated at length 
on this theme in _The Leisure Class_, a classic analysis of 
capitalist psychology. Needless to be said, if the market
does reward such people with success it can hardly be considered
as a *good* thing. A system which elevates making money to 
the position of the most important individual activity will 
obviously result in the degrading of human values and an 
increase in neurotic and psychotic behaviour. 

Little wonder, as Alfie Kohn has argued, competition can have 
serious negative effects on us outside of work, with it damaging 
both our personal psychology and our interpersonal relationships 
(see his excellent book _No Contest_ for details). The market can 
impoverish us as individuals, sabotaging self-esteem, promoting 
conformity, ruining relationships and making use less than what 
we could be. This is a problem of markets as such, not only 
capitalist ones.

Any market system is also marked by a continuing need to expand 
production and consumption. This means that market forces ensure 
that work continually has to expand, causing potentially destructive 
results for both people and the planet. Competition ensures that 
we can never take it easy, for as Max Stirner argued, "[r]estless 
acquisition does not let us take breath, take a calm *enjoyment*. 
We do not get the comfort of our possessions. . . Hence it is at 
any rate helpful that we come to an agreement about *human* labours 
that they may not, as under competition, claim all our time and toil." 
[_The Ego and Its Own_, p. 268]

Value needs to be created, and that can only be done by labour. It is
ironic that supporters of capitalism, while usually saying that "work" is
and always will be hell, support an economic system which must continually
expand that "work" (i.e. labour) while deskilling and automating it and
those who do it. Anarchists, in contrast, argue that work need not be
hell, and indeed, that when enriched by skills and self-management, can be
enjoyable. We go further and argue that work need not take all our time
and that *labour* (i.e. unwanted and boring work) can and must be
minimised. Hence, while the "anti-work" capitalist submits humanity to
more and more labour, the anarchist desires the liberation of "work" and
the end of "labour" as a way of life. 

In addition, market decisions are crucially conditioned by the purchasing
power of those income groups that can back their demands with money. The
market is a continuous bidding for goods, resources, and services, with
those who have the most purchasing power the winners. This means that the
market system is the worst one for allocating resources when purchasing
power is unequally distributed. This is why orthodox economists make the
convenient assumption of a "given distribution of income" when they try
to show that a market-based allocation of resources is the best one (for
example, "Pareto optimality"). While a mutualist system should reduce
inequality drastically, it cannot be assumed that inequalities will 
not increase over time. This is because inequalities in resources 
leads to inequalities of power on the market. Any trade or contract
will benefit the powerful more than the powerless, so re-enforcing
and potentially increasing the inequalities and power between the
parties. This could, over time, lead to a return to capitalism (as
Proudhon himself noted, the "original equality [between contractor
and workmen] was bound to disappear through the advantageous 
position of the master and the dependence of the wage-workers."
[_System of Economical Contradictions_, p. 201]).

With the means of life monopolised by one class, the effects of market
forces and unequal purchasing power can be terrible. As Allan Engler
points out, "[w]hen people are denied access to the means of livelihood,
the invisible hand of market forces does not intervene on their behalf.
Equilibrium between supply and demand has no necessary connection with
human need. For example, assume a country of one million people in which
900,000 are without means of livelihood. One million bushels of wheat are
produced. The entire crop is sold to 100,000 people at $10 a bushel.
Supply and demand are in equilibrium, yet 900 000 people will face
starvation." [_Apostles of Greed_, pp. 50-51] In case anyone thinks that
this just happens in theory, the example of African countries hit by
famine gives a classic example of this occurring in practice. There, rich
landowners grow cash crops and export food to the developed nations while
millions starve in their own. 

Lastly, there are the distributional consequences of the market system. 
As markets inform by 'exit' only -- some products find a market, others 
do not -- 'voice' is absent. The operation of 'exit' rather than 'voice'
leaves behind those without power in the marketplace. For example, the
wealthy do not buy food poisoned with additives, the poor consume it. This
means a division grows between two environments: one inhabited by those
with wealth and one inhabited by those without it. As can be seen from 
the current capitalist practice of "exporting pollution" to developing
countries, this problem can have serious ecological and social effects.
So, far from the market being a "democracy" based on "one dollar, 
one vote," it is an oligarchy in which, for example, the "79 000 
Americans who earned the minimum wage in 1987 have the same influence 
[or "vote"] as Michael Milken, who 'earned' as much as all of them 
combined." [Michael Albert and Robin Hahnel, _The Political Economy
of Participatory Economics_, p. 21]

In other words, markets are always biased in favour of effective demand, 
i.e. in favour of the demands of people with money. A market may be 
Pareto-optimal, but it can never (except in the imaginary abstractions 
of mathematical welfare economics) allocate the necessities of life to 
those who need them the most.

In addition, markets never internalise external costs. Two people
(or companies) who strike a market-rational bargain between themselves 
need not consider the consequences of their bargain for other people 
outside their bargain, nor the consequences for the earth. Thus 
market exchanges are never bilateral agreements as their effects
impact on the wider society (in terms of, say, pollution, inequality
and so on). The market also ignores the needs of future generations
as they always discount the value of the long term future. A payment 
to be made 1 000 years from now (a mere speck in geological time) has 
a market value of virtually zero according to any commonly used discount 
rate. Even 50 years in the future cannot be adequately considered as
competitive pressures force a short term perspective on people harmful
to present and future generations, plus the ecology of the planet.

Also, markets do not reflect the values of things we do not put a price
upon (as we argued in section B.5). It cannot protect wilderness, for 
example, simply because it requires people to turn it into property and 
sell it as a commodity. If you cannot afford to visit the new commodity, 
the market turns it into something else, no matter how much you value 
it. This ensures that the market cannot really provide the information
necessary for rational-decision making and so resources are inefficiently
allocated and we all suffer from the consequences of that.

Thus are plenty of reasons for concluding that efficiency and the 
market not only do not necessarily coincide, but, indeed, necessarily 
do not coincide. Indeed, rather than respond to individual needs,
the market responds to money (more correctly, profit), which by its 
very nature provides a distorted indication of individual preferences
(and does not take into account values which are enjoyed collectively,
such as clean air, or *potentially* enjoyed, such as the wilderness a 
person may never visit but desires to see exist and protected).

So, for all its talk of "invisible hands" and "individual freedom,"
capitalism ignores the actual living individual in the economy and
society. The "individual rights" on which capitalists' base their "free"
system are said to be "man's rights," on what "man needs." But "man,"
after all, is only an abstraction, not a real living being. By talking
about "man" and basing "rights" on what this abstraction is said to need,
capitalism and statism ignore the uniqueness of each person and the
conditions required to develop that uniqueness. As Max Stirner pointed
out, "[h]e who is infatuated with *Man* leaves persons out of account so
far as that infatuation exists, and floats in an ideal, sacred interest.
*Man*, you see, is not a person, but an ideal, a spook." [_The Ego and Its
Own_, p. 79] And like all spooks, it requires sacrifice -- the sacrifice
of individuality to hierarchy and authority. 

This anti-individual biases in capitalism can be seen by its top-down 
nature and the newspeak used to disguise its reality. For example, 
there is what is called "increasing flexibility of the labour market."
"Flexibility" sounds great: rigid structures are unappealing and hardly
suitable for human growth. In reality, as Noam Chomsky points out
"[f]lexibility means insecurity. It means you go to bed at night and don't
know if you have a job tomorrow morning. That's called flexibility of the
labour market, and any economist can explain that's a good thing for the
economy, where by 'the economy' now we understand profit-making. We 
don't mean by 'the economy' the way people live. That's good for the 
economy, and temporary jobs increase flexibility. Low wages also 
increase job insecurity. They keep inflation low. That's good for people 
who have money, say, bondholders. So these all contribute to what's called 
a 'healthy economy,' meaning one with very high profits. Profits are doing
fine. Corporate profits are zooming. But for most of the population, very
grim circumstances. And grim circumstances, without much prospect of a
future, may lead to constructive social action, but where that's lacking
they express themselves in violence." [_Keeping the Rabble in Line_, 
pp. 283-4]

This does not mean that social anarchists propose to "ban" the market --
far from it. This would be impossible. What we do propose is to convince
people that a profit-based market system has distinctly *bad* effects on
individuals, society and the planet's ecology, and that we can organise
our common activity to replace it with libertarian communism. As Max
Stirner argued, "competition. . .has a continued existence. . . [because]
all do not attend to *their* *affair* and come to an *understanding* 
with each other about it. . . .Abolishing competition is not equivalent 
to favouring the guild. The difference is this: In the *guild* baking, 
etc., is the affair of the guild-brothers; in *competition*, the affair 
of chance competitors; in the *union*, of those who require baked goods, 
and therefore my affair, yours, the affair of neither guildic nor the
concessionary baker, but the affair of the *united.*" [_Ego and Its Own_,
p. 275]

Therefore, social anarchists do not appeal to "altruism" in their 
struggle against the de-humanising effects of the market, but rather, 
to egoism: the simple fact that co-operation and mutual aid is in our 
best interests as individuals. By co-operating and controlling "the 
affairs of the united," we can ensure a free society which is worth 
living in, one in which the individual is not crushed by market forces 
and has time to fully develop his or her individuality and uniqueness:

"Solidarity is therefore the state of being in which Man attains the
greatest degree of security and wellbeing; and therefore egoism itself, 
that is the exclusive consideration of one's own interests, impels Man 
and human society towards solidarity." [Errico Malatesta, _Anarchy_, p. 28]

I.1.4 If capitalism is exploitative, then isn't socialism as well? 

Some "Libertarian" capitalists say yes to this question, arguing that 
the Labour Theory of Value (LTV) does not imply socialism but what they 
call "self-managed" capitalism. This, however, is not a valid inference. 
The LTV can imply both socialism (selling the product of ones labour) 
and communism (distribution according to need). The theory is a critique 
of capitalism, not necessarily the basis of a socialist economy, although 
it *can* be considered this as well. For example, Proudhon used the LTV 
as the foundation of his proposals for mutual banking and co-operatives, 
while Robert Owen used it as the basis of his system of labour notes. 
Marx, on the other hand, use the LTV purely as a critique of capitalism
while hoping for communism.

In other words, though a system of co-operative selling on the market 
(what is mistakenly termed "self-managed" capitalism by some) or exchanging 
labour-time values would not be communism, it is *not* capitalism. This
is because the workers are not separated from the means of production. Therefore, right-libertarians' attempts to claim that it is capitalism 
are false, an example of misinformed insistence that virtually *every* 
economic system, bar state socialism and feudalism, is capitalist. 
Some libertarian Marxists (as well as Leninists) claim, similarly, 
that non-communist forms of socialism are also just "self-managed" 
capitalism. Why libertarian Marxists desire to reduce the choices 
facing humanity to either communism or some form of capitalism is 
frankly strange, but also understandable because of the potential 
dehumanising effects of market systems seen under capitalism.

However, it could be argued that communism (based on free access and
communal ownership of resources) would mean that workers are exploited 
by non-workers (the young, the sick, the elderly and so on). While this 
may reflect the  sad lack of personal empathy (and so ethics) of the 
pro-capitalist defenders of this argument, it totally misses the point 
as far as communist anarchism goes. This is because of two reasons. 

Firstly, "anarchist communism . . . means voluntary communism, communism 
from free choice" [A. Berkman, _ABC of Anarchism_, p. 11], which means it 
is not imposed on anyone but is created and practised only by those who 
believe in it. Therefore it would  be up to the communities and syndicates 
to decide how they wish to distribute the products of their labour and 
individuals to join, or create, those that meet their ideas of right 
and wrong. Some may decide on equal pay, others on payment in terms 
of labour time, yet others on communistic associations (we have indicated 
elsewhere why most anarchists consider that communism would be in people's 
self-interest, so we will not repeat ourselves here). The important thing 
to realise is that co-operatives will decide what to do with their output, 
whether to exchange it or to distribute it freely. Hence, because it is
based on free agreement, anarchist communism cannot be exploitative. 
Members of a co-operative which is communistic are free to leave, after 
all. Needless to say, the co-operatives will usually distribute their 
product to others within their confederation and exchange with the 
non-communist ones in a different manner. We say "usually," for in 
the case of emergencies like earthquakes and so forth the situation 
would call for mutual aid. 

Secondly, the so-called "non-workers" have been, or will be, workers.
As the noted Spanish anarchist De Santillan pointed out, "[n]aturally,
children, the aged and the sick are not considered parasites. The 
children will be productive when they grow up. The aged have already 
made their contribution to social wealth and the sick are only 
temporarily unproductive." [_After the Revolution_, p. 20] In other 
words, over their life time, everyone contributes to society and 
it so using the "account book" mentality of capitalism misses the 
point.

The reason why capitalism is exploitative is that workers *have* to 
agree to give the product of their labour to another (the boss) in 
order to be employed in the first place (see section B.4). Capitalists 
would not remain capitalists if their capital did not produce a profit. 
In libertarian communism, by contrast, the workers themselves agree to 
distribute part of  their product to others (i.e. society as a whole, 
their neighbours, friends, and so forth). It is based on free agreement, 
while capitalism is marked by power, authority, and the firm hand of 
market forces. As resources are held in common, people have the option 
of working alone if they so desired. 

Similarly, capitalism by its very nature as a "grow or die" system, 
needs to expand into new areas, meaning that unlike libertarian 
socialism, it will attempt to undermine and replace other social 
systems (usually by force, if history is any guide). As freedom 
cannot be given, there is no reason for a libertarian-socialist 
system to expand beyond the effect of a "good example" on the 
oppressed of capitalist regimes.

I.2 Is this a blueprint for an anarchist society? 

No, far from it. There can be no such thing as a "blueprint" 
for a free society. All we can do here is indicate those general 
features that we believe a free society *must* have in order to 
qualify as truly libertarian. For example, a society based on 
hierarchical management in the workplace (like capitalism) would 
not be libertarian and would soon see private or public states 
developing to protect the power of those at the top hierarchical 
positions ("Anarchy without socialism. . . [is] impossible to
us, for in such case it could not be other than the domination
of the strongest, and would therefore set in motion right away
the organisation and consolidation of this domination, that is
to the constitution of government." [Errico Malatesta, _Life 
and Ideas_, p. 148]). Beyond such general considerations, however, 
the specifics of how to structure a non-hierarchical society 
must remain open for discussion and experimentation:

"Anarchism, meaning Liberty, is compatible with the most diverse 
economic [and social] conditions, on the premise that these cannot 
imply, as under capitalist monopoly, the negation of liberty." 
[D. A. de Santillan, _After the Revolution_, p. 95]

So, this section of the anarchist FAQ should not be regarded as a 
detailed plan. Anarchists have always been reticent about spelling 
out their vision of the future in too much detail for it would be 
contrary to anarchist principles to be dogmatic about the precise 
forms the new society must take. Free people will create their own 
alternative institutions in response to conditions specific to their 
area and it would be presumptuous of us to attempt to set forth 
universal policies in advance. In Kropotkin's words:

"Once expropriation [of social wealth by the masses] has been
carried through . . . then, after a period of grouping, there
will necessarily arise a new system of organising production and
exchange . . . and that system will be a lot more attuned to
popular aspirations and the requirements of co-existence and 
mutual relations than any theory, however splendid, devised
by the thinking and imagination of reformers. . ." [_No Gods,
No Masters_, vol. 1, p. 232]

This, however, did not stop him "predicting right now that 
[in some areas influenced by anarchists]. . . the foundations 
of the new organisation will be the free federation of producers' 
groups and the free federation of Communes and groups in independent
Communes." [Ibid.] This is because what we think now will influence 
the future just as real experience will influence and change how we 
think. Moreover, given the ways in which our own unfree society has 
shaped our ways of thinking, it is probably impossible for us to 
imagine what new forms will arise once humanity's ingenuity and 
creativity is unleashed by the removal of its present authoritarian 
fetters. Thus any attempts to paint a detailed picture of the future 
will be doomed to failure. Ultimately, anarchists think that "the
new society should be organised with the direct participation
of all concerned, from the periphery to the centre, freely and
spontaneously, at the prompting of the sentiment of solidarity
and under pressure of the natural needs of society." [E. Malatesta
and A. Hamon, _No Gods, No Masters_, vol. 2, p. 20]

Nevertheless, anarchists have been willing to specify some broad
principles indicating the general framework within which they expect 
the institutions of the new society to grow. It is important to 
emphasise that these principles are not the arbitrary creations of 
intellectuals in ivory towers. Rather, they are based on the actual 
political, social and economic structures that have arisen *spontaneously* 
whenever working class people have attempted to throw off its chains 
during eras of heightened revolutionary activity, such as the Paris 
Commune, the Russian Revolution, the Spanish Revolution, and the 
Hungarian uprising of 1956, to name just a few. Thus, for example, 
it is clear that self-managed, democratic workers' councils are 
basic libertarian-socialist forms, since they have appeared during 
all revolutionary periods -- a fact that is not surprising considering 
that they are rooted in traditions of communal labour, shared resources, 
and participatory decision making that stretch back tens of thousands 
of years, from the clans and tribes of prehistoric times through the 
"barbarian" agrarian village of the post-Roman world to the free 
medieval city, as Kropotkin documents in his classic study _Mutual Aid_.
Ultimately, such organisations are the only alternatives to government.
Unless we make our own decisions ourselves, someone else will.

So, when reading these sections, please remember that this is just an
attempt to sketch the outline of a possible future. It is in no way an
attempt to determine *exactly* what a free society would be like, for 
such a free society will be the result of the actions of all of society, 
not just anarchists. As Malatesta argued:

"None can judge with certainty who is right and who is wrong, who 
is nearest to the truth, or which is the best way to achieve the 
greatest good for each and everyone. Freedom, coupled by experience, 
is the only way of discovering the truth and what is best; and there 
is no freedom if there is a denial of the freedom to err." 
[_Life and Ideas_, p. 49]

And, of course, real life has a habit of over-turning even the
most realistic sounding theories, ideas and ideologies. Marxism, 
Leninism, Monetarism, laissez-faire capitalism (among others) have 
proven time and time again that ideology applied to real life has 
effects not predicted by the theory before hand (although in all 
four cases, their negative effects where predicted by others; in 
the case of Marxism and Leninism by anarchists). Anarchists are
aware of this, which is why we reject ideology in favour of theory
and why we are hesitant to create blue-prints for the future.
After all, history has proven Proudhon right when he stated that
"every society declines the moment it falls into the hands of the
ideologists." [_System of Economical Contradictions_, p. 115]

Only life, as Bakunin stressed, can create and so life must
inform theory -- and so if the theory is producing adverse
results it is better to revise the theory than deny reality
or justify the evil effects it creates on real people. Thus
this section of the FAQ is not a blue print, rather it is a
series of suggestions (suggestions drawn, we stress, from 
actual experiences of working class revolt and organisation).
These suggestions may be right or wrong and informed by 
Malatesta's comments that:

"We do not boast that we possess absolute truth, on the
contrary, we believe that *social truth* is not a fixed
quantity, good for all times, universally applicable or
determinable in advance, but that instead, once freedom
has been secured, mankind will go forward discovering and
acting gradually with the least number of upheavals and
with a minimum of friction. Thus our solutions always leave
the door open to different and, one hopes, better solutions."
[Op. Cit., p.21]

It is for this reason that anarchists, to quote Bakunin,
think that the "revolution should not only be made for
the people's sake; it should also be made by the people."
[_No Gods, No Masters_, vol. 1, p. 141] Social problems
will be solved in the interests of the working class only
if working class people solve them themselves. This applies
to a social revolution -- it will only liberate the working
class if working class people make it themselves, using 
their own organisations and power. Indeed, it is the course
of struggling for social change, to correct social problems,
by, say, strikes, occupations, demonstrations and other
forms of direct action, that people can transform their 
assumptions about what is possible, necessary and desirable. 
The necessity of organising their struggles and their 
actions ensures the development of assemblies and other
organs of popular power in order to manage their activity.
These create, potentially, an alternative means by which
society can be organised. As Kropotkin argued, "[a]ny strike
trains the participants for a common management of affairs."
[quoted by Caroline Cahm, _Kropotkin and the Rise of
Revolutionary Anarchism_, p. 233] The ability of people 
to manage their own lives, and so society, becomes increasingly
apparent and the existence of hierarchical authority, the state, 
the boss or a ruling class, becomes clearly undesirable and 
unnecessary. Thus the framework of the free society will be 
created by the very process of class struggle, as working class 
people create the organisations required to fight for improvements 
and change within capitalism (for more discussion, see section I.2.3).

Thus, the *actual* framework of an anarchist society and how it
develops and shapes itself is dependent on the needs and desires
of those who live in such a society or are trying to create one.
This is why anarchists stress the need for mass assemblies in
both the community and workplace and their federation from the
bottom up to manage common affairs. Anarchy can only be created
by the active participation of the mass of people. In the words 
of Malatesta, an anarchist society would be based on "decisions 
taken at popular assemblies and carried out by groups and 
individuals who have volunteered or are duly delegated." The 
"success of the revolution" depends on "a large number of 
individuals with initiative and the ability to tackle practical 
tasks: by accustoming the masses not to leave the common cause 
in the hands of a few, and to delegate, when delegation is 
necessary, only for specific missions and for limited duration."
[_Life and Ideas_, p. 129] This self-management would be the
basis on which an anarchist society would change and develop,
with the new society created by those who live within it. 
Thus Bakunin:

"revolution everywhere must be created by the people, and 
supreme control must always belong to people organised into 
a free federation of agricultural and industrial associations 
. . . organised from the bottom upwards by means of revolutionary 
delegation." [_Michael Bakunin: Selected Writings_, p. 172]

And, we must not forget that while we may be able to roughly
guess the way an anarchist society could start initially,
we cannot pretend to predict how it will develop in the long
term. A social revolution is just the beginning of a process 
that will soon lead to such a different society that we cannot 
predict how it will look. Unfortunately, we have to start where 
we are now, not where we hope to end up! Therefore our discussion 
will, by necessity, reflect the current society as this is the
society we will be transforming. While, for some, this outlook 
may not be of a sufficient qualitative break with the world we 
now inhabit, it is essential. We need to offer and discuss 
suggestions for action in the *here and now*, not for some 
future pie in the sky world which can only possibly exist
years, even decades, *after* a successful revolution. 

For example, the ultimate goal of anarchism, we stress, is 
*not* the self-management of existing workplaces or industries.
However, a revolution will undoubtedly see the occupation
and placing under self-management much of existing industry
and we start our discussion assuming a similar set-up as
exists today. This does not mean that an anarchist society
will continue to be like this, we simply present the initial
stages using examples we are all familiar with. It is the 
simply the first stage of transforming industry into 
something more ecologically safe, socially integrated and
individually and collectively empowering for people.

These words of the strikers just before the 1919 Seattle
General Strike expresses this perspective well:

"Labour will not only SHUT DOWN the industries, but Labour 
will REOPEN, under the management of the appropriate trades, 
such activities as are needed to preserve public health and 
public peace. If the strike continues, Labour may feel led 
to avoid public suffering by reopening more and more activities, 

"UNDER ITS OWN MANAGEMENT. 

"And that is why we say that we are starting on a road that 
leads -- NO ONE KNOWS WHERE!" [quoted by Jeremy Brecher,
_Strike!_, p. 110]

Some people *seriously* seem to think that after a social revolution 
working people will continue using the same technology, in the same old
workplaces, in the same old ways and not change a single thing (except, 
perhaps, electing their managers). They simply transfer their own lack 
of imagination onto the rest of humanity. We have little doubt that
working people will quickly transform their work, workplaces and
society into one suitable for human beings, rejecting the legacy
of capitalism and create a society we simply cannot predict. The
occupying of workplaces is, we stress, simply the first stage of
the process of transforming them and the rest of society.

People's lives in a post-revolutionary society will not centre around 
fixed jobs and workplaces as they do now. Productive activity will
go on, but not in the alienated way it does today. Similarly, in
their communities people will apply their imaginations, skills and
hopes to transform them into better places to live (the beautification
of the commune, as the CNT put it). The first stage, of course, will
be to take over their existing communities and place them under
community control. Therefore, it is essential to remember that 
our discussion can only provide an indication on how an anarchist 
society will operate in the months and years after a successful 
revolution, an anarchist society still marked by the legacy of 
capitalism. However, it would be a great mistake to think that 
anarchists do not seek to transform all aspects of society to 
eliminate that legacy and create a society fit for unique 
individuals to live in. As an anarchist society develops it
will, we stress, transform society in ways we cannot guess at
now, based on the talents, hopes, dreams and imaginations of 
those living in it.

Lastly, it could be argued that we spend too much time discussing 
the "form" (i.e. the types of organisation and how they make 
decisions) rather than the "content" of an anarchist society 
(the nature of the decisions reached). Moreover, the implication 
of this distinction also extends to the organisations created in 
the class struggle that would, in all likelihood, become the 
framework of a free society. However, form is as, perhaps more, 
important than content. This is because "form" and "content" are 
inter-related -- a libertarian, participatory "form" of organisation 
allows the "content" of a decision, society or struggle to change. 
Self-management has an educational effect on those involved, as they 
are made aware of different ideas, think about them and decide between 
them (and, of course, formula and present their own ones). Thus the 
nature of these decisions can and will evolve. Thus form has a decisive 
impact on "content" and so we make no apologies for discussing the
form of a free society. As Murray Bookchin argues:

"To assume that the forms of freedom can be treated merely as forms
would be as absurd as to assume that legal concepts can be treated
merely as questions of jurisprudence. The form and content of
freedom, like law and society, are mutually determined. By the 
same token, there are forms of organisation that promote and
forms that vitiate the goal of freedom . . . To one degree or
another, these forms either alter the individual who uses them
or inhibit his [or her] further development." [_Post-Scarcity
Anarchism_, p. 147]

And the *content* of decisions are determined by the individuals
involved. Thus participatory, decentralised, self-managed organisations
are essential for the development of the content of decisions because
they develop the individuals who make them.

I.2.1 Why discuss what an anarchist society would be like at all? 

Partly, in order to indicate why people should become anarchists. Most
people do not like making jumps in the dark, so an indication of what
anarchists think a desirable society would look like may help those people
who are attracted intellectually by anarchism, inspiring them to become
committed to its practical realisation. Partly, it's a case of learning 
from past mistakes. There have been numerous anarchistic social 
experiments on varying scales, and its useful to understand what
happened, what worked and what did not. In that way, hopefully, we 
will not make the same mistakes twice. 

However, the most important reason for discussing what an anarchist
society would look like is to ensure that the creation of such a 
society is the action of as many people as possible. As Errico Malatesta 
indicated in the middle of the Italian revolutionary "Two Red Years" 
(see section A.5.5), "either we all apply our minds to thinking about 
social reorganisation, and right away, at the very same moment that 
the old structures are being swept away, and we shall have a more 
humane and more just society, open to future advances, or we shall 
leave such matters to the 'leaders' and we shall have a new government." 
[_The Anarchist Revolution_, p. 69] 

Hence the importance of discussing what the future will be like in the
here and now. The more people who have a fairly clear idea of what a free
society would look like the easier it will be to create that society and
ensure that no important matters are left to the "leaders" to decide for
us. The example of the Spanish Revolution comes to mind. For many years
before 1936, the C.N.T. and F.A.I. put out publications discussing what an
anarchist society would look like (for example, _After the Revolution_ 
by Diego Abel de Santillan and _Libertarian Communism_ by Isaac Puente). 
In fact, anarchists had been organising and educating in Spain for almost
seventy years before the revolution. When it finally occurred, the millions 
of people who participated already shared a similar vision and started to 
build a society based on it, thus learning firsthand where their books were 
wrong and which areas of life they did not adequately cover. 

So, this discussion of what an anarchist society might look like is 
not a drawing up of blueprints, nor is it an attempt to force the future 
into the shapes created in past revolts. It is purely and simply an 
attempt to start people discussing what a free society would be like 
and to learn from previous experiments. However, as anarchists recognise 
the importance of building the new world in the shell of the old, our 
ideas of what a free society would be like can feed into how we organise 
and struggle today. And vice versa; for how we organise and struggle today
will have an impact on the future.

As Malatesta pointed out, such discussions are necessary and essential,
for "[i]t is absurd to believe that, once government has been destroyed
and the capitalists expropriated, 'things will look after themselves'
without the intervention of those who already have an idea on what has 
to be done and who immediately set about doing it. . . . [for] social life,
as the life of individuals, does not permit of interruption." He stresses
that "[t]o neglect all the problems of reconstruction or to pre-arrange
complete and uniform plans are both errors, excesses which, by different
routes, would led to our defeat as anarchists and to the victory of
new or old authoritarian regime. The truth lies in the middle." 
[Op. Cit., p. 121] 

Moreover, the importance of discussing the future can help indicate
whether our activities are actually creating a better world. After all,
if Karl Marx had been more willing to discuss his vision of a socialist
society then the Stalinists would have found it much harder to claim
that their hellish system was, in fact, socialism. Unfortunately he
failed to understand this. Given that anarchists like Proudhon and 
Bakunin gave a board outline of their vision of a free society it
would have been impossible for anarchism to be twisted as Marxism was.

We hope that this Section of the FAQ, in its own small way, will encourage
as many people as possible to discuss what a libertarian society would be
like and use that discussion to bring it closer. 

I.2.2 Will it be possible to go straight to an anarchist society from
      capitalism?

Possibly, it depends what is meant by an anarchist society. 

If it is meant a fully classless society (what some people, 
inaccurately, would call a "utopia") then the answer is a clear 
"no, that would be impossible." Anarchists are well aware that 
"class difference do not vanish at the stroke of a pen whether
that pen belongs to the theoreticians or to the pen-pushers who 
set out laws or decrees. Only action, that is to say direct action 
(not through government) expropriation by the proletarians, 
directed against the privileged class, can wipe out class 
difference." [Luigi Fabbri, "Anarchy and 'Scientific' Communism", 
in _The Poverty of Statism_, pp. 13-49, Albert Meltzer (ed.), 
p. 30] 

For anarchists, a social revolution is a *process* and not an 
event (although, of course, a process marked by such events as 
general strikes, uprisings, insurrections and so on). As 
Kropotkin argued:

"It is a whole insurrectionary period of three, four, perhaps 
five years  that we must traverse to accomplish our revolution 
in the property system and in social organisation." 
[_Words of a Rebel_, p. 72]

His famous work _The Conquest of Bread_ aimed, to use his words, at 
"prov[ing] that communism -- at least partial -- has more chance of
being established than collectivism, especially in communes taking 
the lead . . . [and] tried . . . to indicate how, during a 
revolutionary period, a large city -- if its inhabitants have 
accepted the  idea -- could organise itself on the lines of free 
communism." [_Kropotkin's Revolutionary Pamphlets_, p. 298] Indeed, 
he stresses in _The Conquest of Bread_ that anarchists "do not believe 
that in any country the Revolution will be accomplished at a stroke, 
in the twinkling of a eye, as some socialists dream." [_The Conquest 
of Bread_, p. 81] Indeed, he stressed that "[n]o fallacy more harmful
has ever been spread than the fallacy of a 'One-day Revolution.'"
[Op. Cit., p. 81f] The revolution, in other words, would progress 
towards communism after the initial revolt:

"we know that an *uprising* can overthrow and change a government
in one day, while a *revolution* needs three or four years of
revolutionary convulsion to arrive at tangible results . . . if 
we should expect the revolution, from its *earliest* insurrections,
to have a communist character, we would have to relinquish the
possibility of a revolution, since in that case there would be
need of a strong majority to agree on carrying through a change
in the direction of communism." [Kropotkin, quoted by Max Nettlau, 
_A Short History of Anarchism_, pp. 282-3]

In addition, different areas will develop in different speeds and 
in different ways, depending on the influences dominant in the 
area. "Side by side with the revolutionised communes," argued 
Kropotkin, "[other] places would remain in an expectant attitude, 
and would go on living on the Individualist system . . . revolution 
would break out everywhere, but revolution under different aspects; 
in one country State Socialism, in another Federation; everywhere 
more or less Socialism, not conforming to any particular rule." 
Thus "the Revolution will take a different character in each of 
the different European nations; the point attained in the 
socialisation of wealth will not be everywhere the same."
[_The Conquest of Bread_, pp. 81-2 and p. 81] In this, as we 
shall see, he followed Bakunin.

Kropotkin was also aware that a revolution would face many
problems, including the disruption of economic activity,
civil war and isolation. He argued that it was "certain that 
the coming Revolution . . . will burst upon us in the 
middle of a great industrial crisis . . . There are 
millions of unemployed workers in Europe at this moment. 
It will be worse when Revolution has burst upon us . . . 
The number of the out-of-works will be doubled as soon 
as barricades are erected in Europe and the United 
States . . . we know that in time of Revolution exchange 
and industry suffer most from the general upheaval . . . 
A Revolution in Europe means, then, the unavoidable 
stoppage of at least half the factories and workshops." 
He stressed that there would be "the complete 
disorganisation" of the capitalist economy and that 
during a revolution "[i]nternational commerce will come 
to a standstill" and "the circulation of commodities and 
of provisions will be paralysed." This would, of course, 
have an impact on the development of a revolution and so 
the "circumstances will dictate the measures." [Op. Cit., 
pp. 69-70, p. 191 and p. 79]

Thus we have anarcho-communism being introduced "during a 
revolutionary period" rather than instantly and the possibility 
that it will be "partial" in many, if not all areas, depending
on the "circumstances" encountered. Therefore the (Marxist 
inspired) claim that anarchists think a fully communist 
society is possible overnight is simply false -- we recognise 
that a social revolution takes time to develop after it 
starts. As Malatesta put it, "after the revolution, that
is after the defeat of the existing powers and the overwhelming
victory of the forces of insurrection, . . . then . . . 
gradualism really comes into operation. We shall have to study
all the practical problems of life: production, exchange, the
means of communication, relations between anarchist groupings
and those living under some kind of authority, between 
communist collectives and those living in an individualistic
way; relations between town and country . . . -- and so on."
[_Life and Ideas_, p. 173]

However, if by "anarchist society" it is meant a society that has
abolished the state and started the process of transforming society
from below then anarchists argue that such a society is not only
possible after a successful revolution, it is essential. Thus
the anarchist social revolution would be political (abolition
of the state), economic (abolition of capitalism) and social
(abolition of hierarchical social relationships). Or, more
positively, the introduction of self-management into every
aspect of life. In other words, "political transformation 
. . . [and] economic transformation . . . must be accomplished 
together and simultaneously." [Bakunin, _The Basic Bakunin_, 
p. 106] This transformation would be based upon the organisations
created by working class people in their struggle against
capitalism and the state (see next section). Thus the
framework of a free society would be created by the 
struggle for freedom itself, by the class struggle *within*
but *against* hierarchical society. This revolution would
come "from below" and would expropriate capital as well as
smash the state:

"the revolution must set out from the first to radically
and totally destroy the State . . . The natural and necessary 
consequence of this destruction will be . . . [among others, 
the] dissolution of army, magistracy, bureaucracy, police 
and priesthood. . . confiscation of all productive capital 
and means of production on behalf of workers' associations, 
who are to put them to use . . . the federative Alliance 
of all working men's associations . . . will constitute 
the Commune." [_Michael Bakunin: Selected Writings_, p. 170] 

As can be seen, anarchists have long argued that a social
revolution must be directed against both capitalism *and*
the state. Moreover, we have always stressed the key role
that workers' councils (or "soviets") would play in a 
socialist revolution as both a means of struggle and the
basis of a free society.

Such a society, as Bakunin argued, will not be "perfect" by any 
means:

"I do not say that the peasants [and workers], freely organised 
from the bottom up, will miraculously create an ideal organisation,
confirming in all respects to our dreams. But I am convinced
that what they construct will be living and vibrant, a thousands
times better and more just than any existing organisation.
Moreover, this . . . organisation, being on the one hand open
to revolutionary propaganda . . . , and on the other, not
petrified by the intervention of the State . . . will develop
and perfect itself through free experimentation as fully as
one can reasonably expect in our times.

"With the abolition of the State, the spontaneous self-organisation
of popular life . . . will revert to the communes. The development
of each commune will take its point of departure the actual
condition of its civilisation . . ." [_Bakunin on Anarchism_,
p. 207]

The degree which a society which has abolished the state can
progress towards free communism depends on objective conditions.
Bakunin and other collectivists doubted the possibility of 
introducing a communistic system instantly after a revolution. 
For Kropotkin and many other anarcho-communists, communistic 
anarchy can, and must, be introduced as far as possible and 
as soon as possible in order to ensure a successful revolution. 
We should mention here that some anarchists, like the 
individualists, do not support the idea of revolution 
and instead see anarchist alternatives growing within 
capitalism and slowly replacing it.

So, clearly, the idea of "one-day revolution" is one rejected as a 
harmful fallacy by anarchists. We are aware that revolutions are a 
*process* and not an event (or series of events). However, one thing 
that anarchists do agree on is that it's essential for both the state 
and capitalism to be undermined as quickly as possible. It is true 
that, in the course of social revolution, we anarchists may not be 
able to stop a new state being created or the old one from surviving. 
It all depends on the balance of support for anarchist ideas in the 
population and how willing people are to introduce them. There is no 
doubt, though, that for a social revolt to be fully anarchist, the 
state and capitalism must be destroyed and new forms of oppression 
and exploitation not put in their place. How quickly after such a 
destruction we move to a fully communist-anarchist society is a moot 
point, dependent on the conditions the revolution is facing and the 
ideas and wants of the people making it.

In other words anarchists agree that an anarchist society cannot be
created overnight, for to assume so would be to imagine that anarchists
could enforce their ideas on a pliable population. Libertarian socialism
can only be created from below, by people who want it and understand it,
organising and liberating themselves. "Communist organisations,"
argued Kropotkin, "must be the work of all, a natural growth, a 
product of the constructive genius of the great mass. Communism
cannot be imposed from above; it could not live even for a
few months if the constant and daily co-operation of all did not
uphold it. It must be free." [_Kropotkin's Revolutionary Pamphlets_,
p. 140] The results of the Russian Revolution should have cleared 
away long ago any contrary illusions about how to create "socialist" 
societies. The lesson from every revolution is that the mistakes 
made by people in liberating themselves and transforming society 
are always minor compared to the results of creating authorities, 
who eliminate such "ideological errors" by destroying the freedom 
to make mistakes (and so freedom as such). Freedom is the only 
real basis on which socialism can be built ("Experience through 
freedom is the only means to arrive at the truth and the best 
solutions; and there is no freedom if there is not the freedom 
to be wrong." [Malatesta, _Life and Ideas_, p. 72]).

Therefore, most anarchists would support Malatesta's claim that "[t]o
organise a [libertarian] communist society on a large scale it would be
necessary to transform all economic life radically, such as methods of
production, of exchange and consumption; and all this could not be
achieved other than gradually, as the objective circumstances permitted
and to the extent that the masses understood what advantages could be
gained and were able to act for themselves." [_Malatesta: Life and Ideas_,
p. 36] 

This means that while the conditions necessary of a free society would 
be created in a broad way by a social revolution, it would be utopian
to imagine everything will be perfect immediately. Few anarchists
have argued that such a jump would be possible -- rather they have
argued that revolutions create the conditions for the evolution towards
an anarchist society by abolishing state and capitalism. "Besides,"
argued Alexander Berkman, "you must not confuse the social
revolution with anarchy. Revolution, in some of its stages, is
a violent upheaval; anarchy is a social condition of freedom and
peace. The revolution is the *means* of bringing anarchy about
but it is not anarchy itself. It is to pave the road to anarchy,
to establish conditions which will make a life of liberty possible."
However, "to achieve its purpose the revolution must be imbued with
and directed by the anarchist spirit and ideas. The end shapes the
means. . . the social revolution must be anarchist in method as 
in aim." [_The ABC of Anarchism_, p. 81] 

This means that while acknowledging the possibility of a transitional 
*society*, anarchists reject the notion of a transitional *state* as 
confused in the extreme (and, as can be seen from the experience of 
Marxism, dangerous as well). An anarchist society can only be achieved 
by anarchist means. Hence French Syndicalist Fernand Pelloutier's 
comments:

"Nobody believes or expects that the coming revolution . . . will
realise unadulterated anarchist-communism. . . it will erupt, no
doubt, before the work of anarchist education has been completed . . .
[and as] a result . . . , while we do preach perfect communism,
it is not in the certainty or expectation of [libertarian] communism's 
being the social form of the future: it is in order to further men's
[and women's] education . . . so that, by the time of the day of
conflagration comes, they will have attained maximum emancipation.
But must the transitional state to be endured necessarily or
inevitability be the collectivist [i.e. state socialist/capitalist]
jail? Might it not consist of libertarian organisation confined
to the needs of production and consumption alone, with all political
institutions having been done away with?" [_No Gods, No Masters_,
vol. 2, p. 55]

One thing *is* certain: an anarchist social revolution or mass movement
will need to defend itself against attempts by statists and capitalists 
to defeat it. Every popular movement, revolt, or revolution has had to 
face a backlash from the supporters of the status quo. An anarchist 
revolution or mass movement will face (and indeed has faced) such 
counter-revolutionary movements. However, this does not mean that 
the destruction of the state and capitalism need be put off until 
after the forces of reaction are defeated (as Marxists usually 
claim). For anarchists, a social revolution and free society can 
only be defended by anti-statist means, for example, by "arming
everyone . . . and of interesting the mass of the population in
the victory of the revolution." This would involve the "creation
of a voluntary militia, without powers to interfere as militia
in the life of the community, but only to deal with any armed
attacks by the forces of reaction to re-establish themselves,
or to resist outside intervention by countries as yet not in
a state of revolution." [Malatesta, _Life and Ideas_, p. 173 and
p. 166] For more discussion of this important subject see sections 
I.5.14 and J.7.6.

So, given an anarchist revolution which destroys the state, the type 
and nature of the economic system created by it will depend on local
circumstances and the level of awareness in society. The individualists
are correct in the sense that what we do now will determine how the future
develops. Obviously, any "transition period" starts in the *here and now,*
as this helps determine the future. Thus, while social anarchists usually
reject the idea that capitalism can be reformed away, we agree with the
individualists that it is essential for anarchists to be active today in
constructing the ideas, ideals and new liberatory institutions of the
future society within the current one. The notion of waiting for the
"glorious day" of total revolution is not one held by anarchists.

Thus, all the positions outlined at the start of this section have a grain
of truth in them. This is because, as Malatesta put it, "[w]e are, in any
case, only one of the forces acting in society, and history will advance,
as always, in the direction of the resultant of all the [social] forces."
[_Malatesta: Life and Ideas_, p. 109] This means that different areas will
experiment in different ways, depending on the level of awareness which
exists there -- as would be expected in a free society which is created by
the mass of the people.

Ultimately, the most we can say about the timing and necessary 
conditions of revolution is that an anarchist society can only 
come about once people liberate themselves (and this implies an 
ethical and psychological transformation), but that this does not 
mean that people need to be "perfect" nor that an anarchist society 
will come about "overnight," without a period of self-activity by 
which individuals reshape and change themselves as they are reshaping 
and changing the world about them.

I.2.3 How is the framework of an anarchist society created?

Anarchists do not abstractly compare a free society with the
current one. Rather, we see an *organic* connection between
what is and what could be. In other words, anarchists see the
initial framework of an anarchist society as being created
under statism and capitalism when working class people 
organise themselves to resist hierarchy. As Kropotkin argued:

"To make a revolution it is not . . . enough that there should 
be . . . [popular] risings . . . It is necessary that after the 
risings there should be something new in the institutions [that
make up society], which would permit new forms of life to be 
elaborated and established." [_The Great French Revolution_,
vol. 1, p. 200]

Anarchists have seen these new institutions as being linked
with the need of working class people to resist the evils
of capitalism and statism. In other words, as being the 
product of the class struggle and attempts by working class
people to resist state and capitalist authority. Thus the
struggle of working class people to protect and enhance
their liberty under hierarchical society will be the basis
for a society *without* hierarchy. This basic insight allowed
anarchists like Bakunin and Proudhon to predict future
developments in the class struggle such as workers'
councils (such as those which developed during the 1905
and 1917 Russian Revolutions). As Oskar Anweiler
notes in his definitive work on the Russian Soviets
(Workers' Councils):

"Proudhon's views are often directly associated with the
Russian councils . . . Bakunin . . ., much more than
Proudhon, linked anarchist principles directly to
revolutionary action, thus arriving at remarkable 
insights into the revolutionary process that contribute
to an understanding of later events in Russia . . .

"In 1863 Proudhon declared . . . 'All my economic ideas 
as developed over twenty-five years can be summed up in 
the words: agricultural-industrial federation. All my 
political ideas boil down to a similar formula: political 
federation or decentralisation.' . . . Proudhon's conception 
of a self-governing state [sic!] founded on producers'
corporations [i.e. federations of co-operatives], is
certainly related to the idea of 'a democracy of
producers' which emerged in the factory soviets. To
this extent Proudhon can be regarded as an ideological
precursor of the councils . . . 

"Bakunin . . . suggested the formation of revolutionary 
committees with representatives from the barricades, the 
streets, and the city districts, who would be given binding 
mandates, held accountable to the masses, and subject to 
recall. These revolutionary deputies were to form the 
'federation of the barricades,' organising a revolutionary 
commune to immediately unite with other centres of 
rebellion . . . 

"Bakunin proposed the formation of revolutionary committees
to elect communal councils, and a pyramidal organisation
of society 'through free federation from the bottom upward,
the association of workers in industry and agriculture --
first in the communities, then through federation of 
communities into districts, districts into nations, and
nations into international brotherhood.' These proposals 
are indeed strikingly similar to the structure of the
subsequent Russian system of councils . . .

"Bakunin's ideas about spontaneous development of the
revolution and the masses' capacity for elementary
organisation undoubtedly were echoed in part by the
subsequent soviet movement. . . Because Bakunin . . .
was always very close to the reality of social struggle,
he was able to foresee concrete aspects of the revolution.
The council movement during the Russian Revolution,
though not a result of Bakunin's theories, often
corresponded in form and progress to his revolutionary
concepts and predictions." [_The Soviets_, pp. 8-11]

Paul Avrich also notes this:

"As early as the 1860's and 1870's, the followers of
Proudhon and Bakunin in the First International were
proposing the formation of workers' councils designed
both as a weapon of class struggle against capitalists 
and as the structural basis of the future libertarian
society." [_The Russian Anarchists_, p. 73]

In this sense, anarchy is not some distant goal but rather an 
aspect of the current struggles against domination, oppression 
and exploitation (i.e. the class struggle, to use an all-embracing 
term, although we must stress that anarchists use this term to 
cover all struggles against domination). "Anarchism," argued
Kropotkin, "is not a mere insight into a remote future. Already 
now, whatever the sphere of action of the individual, he [or she] 
can act, either in accordance with anarchist principles or on an 
opposite line." It was "born among the people -- in the struggles
of real life" and "owes its origin to the constructive, creative
activity of the people." [_Kropotkin's Revolutionary Pamphlets_, 
p. 75, p. 150 and p. 149] 

Thus, "Anarchism is not . . . a theory of the future to be
realised by divine inspiration. It is a living force in the 
affairs of our life, constantly creating new conditions." It 
"stands for the spirit of revolt" and so "[d]irect action 
against the authority in the shop, direct action against the 
authority of the law, of direct action against the invasive, 
meddlesome authority of our moral code, is the logical, 
consistent method of Anarchism." [Emma Goldman, _Anarchism 
and Other Essays_, p. 63 and p. 66]

Anarchism draws upon the autonomous self-activity and spontaneity 
of working class people in struggle to inform both its political 
theory and its vision of a free society. The struggle against 
hierarchy, in other words, teaches us not only how to be anarchists 
but also gives us a glimpse of what an anarchist society would be 
like, what its initial framework could be and the experience 
of managing our own activities which is required for such a 
society to function successfully. 

Therefore, as is clear, anarchists have long had a clear
vision of what an anarchist society would look like and,
equally as important, where such a society would spring
from. Which means, of course, that Lenin's assertion
in _The State and Revolution_ that anarchists "have 
absolutely no clear idea of *what* the proletariat will 
put in its [the states] place" is simply false. [_Essential 
Works of Lenin_, p. 358] Anarchists supported the idea
of a federation of workers' councils as the means to
destroy the state over 50 years before Lenin argued
that the soviets would be the basis of his "workers"
state.

It would, therefore, be useful to give a quick summary
of anarchist views on this subject.

Proudhon, for example, looked to the self-activity of 
French workers, artisans and peasants and used that as
the basis of his ideas on anarchism. While seeing such
activity as essentially reformist in nature, he saw the
germs of anarchy as being the result of "generating from 
the bowels of the people, from the depths of labour, a 
greater authority, a more potent fact, which shall envelop 
capital and the State and subjugate them" as "it is of no 
use to change the holders of power or introduce some variation 
into its workings: an agricultural and industrial combination 
must be found by means of which power, today the ruler of 
society, shall become its slave." [_System of Economical
Contradictions_, p. 399 and p. 398] What, decades later,
Proudhon called an "agro-industrial federation" in his
_Principal of Federation_.

He argued that workers should follow the example of those 
already creating Mutual Banks and co-operatives. He stressed
the importance of co-operatives:

"Do not the workmen's unions at this moment serve as the
cradle for the social revolution, as the early Christian
communities served as the cradle of Catholicity? Are they
not always the open school, both theoretical and practical,
where the workman learns the science of the production and
distribution of wealth, where he studies, without masters
and without books, by his own experience solely, the laws
of that industrial organisation, which was the ultimate
aim of the Revolution of '89 . . . ?" [_The General Idea
of the Revolution_, p. 78] 

Proudhon linked his ideas to what working people were already
doing:

"labour associations . . . hav[e] grasped spontaneously . . . 
[that] merely by liasing with one another and making loans to 
one another, [they] have organised labour . . . So that, 
organisation of credit and organisation of labour amount 
to one and the same. It is no school and no theoretician 
that is saying this: the proof of it, rather, lies in current 
practice, revolutionary practice . . . If it were to come 
about that the workers were to come to some arrangement
throughout the Republic and organise themselves along 
similar lines, it is obvious that, as masters of labour, 
constantly generating fresh capital through work, they 
would soon have wrested alienated capital back again, 
through their organisation and competition . . . We want
the mines, canals, railways handed over to democratically 
organised workers' associations . . . We want these 
associations to be models for agriculture, industry 
and trade, the pioneering core of that vast federation 
of companies and societies woven into the common cloth 
of the democratic social Republic." [_No Gods, No Masters_, 
vol. 1, pp. 59-61]

This linking of the present and the future through the
self-activity and self-organisation of working class people
is also found in Bakunin. Unlike Proudhon, Bakunin stressed
*revolutionary* activity and so he saw the militant labour 
movement, and the revolution itself, as providing the basic
structure of a free society. As he put it, "the organisation 
of the trade sections and their representation in the Chambers 
of Labour . . . bear in themselves the living seeds of the new 
society which is to replace the old one. They are creating not
only the ideas, but also the facts of the future itself."
[_Bakunin on Anarchism_, p. 255]

The needs of the class struggle would create the framework of 
a new society, a federation of workers councils, as "strikes 
indicate a certain collective strength already, a certain 
understanding among the workers . . . each strike becomes 
the point of departure for the formation of new groups."
[_The Basic Bakunin_, pp. 149-50] This pre-revolutionary
development would be accelerated by the revolution itself:

"the federative alliance of all working men's associations . . . 
[will] constitute the Commune . . . [the] Communal Council [will 
be] composed of . . . delegates  . . . vested with plenary but
accountable and removable mandates. . . all provinces, communes 
and associations . . . by first reorganising on revolutionary lines 
. . . [will] constitute the federation of insurgent associations, 
communes and provinces . . . [and] organise a revolutionary force 
capable defeating reaction . . . [and for] self-defence . . . 
[The] revolution everywhere must be created by the people, and 
supreme control must always belong to the people organised into a 
free federation of agricultural and industrial associations . . . 
organised from the bottom upwards by means of revolutionary 
delegation. . ." [_Michael Bakunin: Selected Writings_, 
pp. 170-2]

Like Bakunin, Kropotkin stressed that revolution transformed
those taking part in it. As he noted in his classic account
of the French Revolution, "by degrees, the revolutionary
education of the people was being accomplished by the
revolution itself." [Op. Cit., vol. 1, p. 261] Part of
this process involved creating new organisations which
allowed the mass of people to take part in the decision
making of the revolution. He pointed to "the popular Commune,"
arguing that "the Revolution began by creating the Commune . . . 
and through this institution it gained . . . immense power." 
He stressed that it was "by means of the 'districts' [of the 
Communes] that . . . the masses, accustoming themselves to 
act without receiving orders from the national representatives, 
were practising what was to be described later as Direct
Self-Government." Such a system did not imply isolation,
for while "the districts strove to maintain their own 
independence" they also "sought for unity of action,
not in subjection to a Central Committee, but in a
federative union." The Commune "was thus made *from below
upward*, by the federation of the district organisations;
it spring up in a revolutionary way, from popular initiative."
[Op. Cit., p. 200 and p. 203]

Thus the process of class struggle, of the needs of the 
fighting against the existing system, generated the framework 
of an anarchist society -- "the districts of Paris laid the 
foundations of a new, free, social organisation." Little wonder 
he argued that "the principles of anarchism . . . already dated 
from 1789, and that they had their origin, not in theoretical 
speculations, but in the *deeds* of the Great French Revolution" 
and that "the libertarians would no doubt do the same to-day."
[Op. Cit., p. 206, p. 204 and p. 206] 

Similarly, we discover him arguing in _Mutual Aid_ that strikes 
and labour unions were an expression of mutual aid in capitalist 
society and of "the worker's need of mutual support." [_Mutual 
Aid_, p. 213] Elsewhere Kropotkin argued that "labour combinations" 
like the "Sections" of French revolution were one of the "main 
popular anarchist currents" in history, expressing the "same 
popular resistance to the growing power of the few." 
[_Kropotkin's Revolutionary Pamphlets_, p. 159] For Kropotkin,
like Bakunin, libertarian labour unions were "natural organs
for the direct struggle with capitalism and for the composition
of the future social order." [quoted by Paul Avrich, _The
Russian Anarchists_, p. 81]

As can be seen, the major anarchist thinkers pointed to
forms of organisation autonomously created and managed by
the working class as the framework of an anarchist society.
Both Bakunin and Kropotkin pointed to militant, direct
action based labour unions while Proudhon pointed towards
workers' experiments in co-operative production and mutual
credit.

Later anarchists followed them. The anarcho-syndicalists,
like Bakunin and Kropotkin, pointed to the developing labour 
movement as the framework of an anarchist society, as providing 
the basis for the free federation of workers' associations 
which would constitute the commune. Others, such as the Russians 
Maximov, Arshinov, Voline and Makhno, saw the spontaneously 
created workers' councils (soviets) of 1905 and 1917 as the 
basis of a free society, as another example of Bakunin's 
federation of workers' associations. 

Thus, for all anarchists, the structural framework of an
anarchist society was created by the class struggle, by
the needs of working class people to resist oppression,
exploitation and hierarchy. As Kropotkin stressed, 
"[d]uring a revolution new forms of life will always 
germinate on the ruins of the old forms . . . It is 
impossible to legislate for the future. All we can 
do is vaguely guess its essential tendencies and clear 
the road for it." [_Evolution and Environment_, pp. 101-2]

These essential tendencies were discovered, in practice,
by the needs of the class struggle. The necessity of 
practising mutual aid and solidarity to survive under 
capitalism (as in any other hostile environment) makes 
working people and other oppressed groups organise together to 
fight their oppressors and exploiters. Thus the co-operation 
necessary for a libertarian socialist society, like its 
organisational framework, would be generated by the need to 
resist oppression and exploitation under capitalism. The 
process of resistance produces organisation on a wider and 
wider scale which, in turn, can become the framework of a free 
society as the needs of the struggle promote libertarian forms 
of organisation such as decision making from the bottom
up, autonomy, federalism, delegates subject to instant
recall and so on. 

For example, a strikers' assembly would be the basic 
decision-making forum in a struggle for improved wages 
and working conditions. It would create a strike committee 
to implement its decisions and send delegates to spread the 
strike. These delegates inspire other strikes, requiring
a new organisation to co-ordinate the struggle. This 
results in delegates from all the strikes meeting and 
forming a federation (i.e. a workers' council). The
strikers decide to occupy the workplace and the strike 
assemblies take over the means of production. The strike
committees becomes the basis for factory committees which
could administer the workplaces, based on workers'
self-management via workplace assemblies (the former
strikers' assemblies). The federation of strikers' delegates
becomes the local communal council, replacing the existing
state with a self-managed federation of workers' associations.
In this way, the class struggle creates the framework of
a free society.

This, obviously, means that any suggestions of how an anarchist
society would look like are based on the fact that the *actual* 
framework of a free society will be the product of *actual* 
struggles. This means that the form of the free society will 
be shaped by the process of social change and the organs 
it creates. This is an important point and worth repeating.

So, as well as changing themselves while they change the world,
a people in struggle also create the means by which they
can manage society. By having to organise and manage their 
struggles, they become accustomed to self-management and 
self-activity and create the possibility of a free society 
and the organisations which will exist within it. Thus
the framework of an anarchist society comes from the class
struggle and the process of revolution itself. Anarchy is
not a jump into the dark but rather a natural progression
of the struggle for freedom in an unfree society. The
contours of a free society will be shaped by the process
of creating it and, therefore, will not be an artificial
construction imposed on society. Rather, it will be created
from below up by society